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Biomedical subjects

Alinda Friedman

Publications and source records attributed to Alinda Friedman.

11 recordsLinked to original sources

Global-scale location and distance estimates: common representations and strategies in absolute and relative judgments.

The authors examined whether absolute and relative judgments about global-scale locations and distances were generated from common representations. At the end of a 10-week class on the regional geography of the United States, participants estimated the latitudes of 16 North American cities and all possible pairwise distances between them. Although participants were relative experts, their latitude estimates revealed the presence of psychologically based regions with large gaps between them and a tendency to stretch North America southward toward the equator. The distance estimates revealed the same properties in the representation recovered via multidimensional scaling. Though the aggregated within- and between-regions distance estimates were fitted by Stevens's law (S. S. Stevens, 1957), this was an averaging artifact: The appropriateness of a power function to describe distance estimates depended on the regional membership of the cities. The authors conclude that plausible reasoning strategies, combined with regionalized representations and beliefs about the location of these relative to global landmarks, underlie global-scale latitude and distance judgments.

Cognition↗

Pigeons see correspondence between objects and their pictures.

The extent to which nonhumans recognize the correspondence between static pictures and the objects they represent remains an interesting and controversial issue. Pictures displayed on computers are used extensively for research on behavioral and neural mechanisms of cognition in birds, yet attempts to show that birds recognize the objects seen in pictures have produced mixed and inconclusive results. We trained pigeons to discriminate between two identically colored but differently shaped three-dimensional objects seen directly or as pictures, and we found clear bidirectional transfer of the learned object discrimination. Transfer from objects to pictures occurred even when pigeons were trained with 12 views and only novel views of the objects were presented in transfer. This study provides the strongest evidence yet that pigeons can recognize the correspondence between objects and pictures.

Animals↗

Dynamic object recognition in pigeons and humans.

We investigated the role of dynamic information in human and pigeon object recognition. Both species were trained to discriminate between two objects that each had a characteristic motion, so that either cue could be used to perform the task successfully. The objects were either easy or difficult to decompose into parts. At test, the learned objects could appear in their learned motions, the reverse of the learned motions, or an entirely new motion, or a new object could appear in one of the learned motions. For humans, any change in the learned motion produced a decrement in performance for both the decomposable and the nondecomposable objects, but participants did not respond differentially to new objects that appeared in the learned motions. Pigeons showed the same pattern of responding as did humans for the decomposable objects, except that pigeons responded differentially to new objects in the learned motions. For the nondecomposable objects, pigeons used motion cues exclusively. We suggest that for some types of objects, dynamic information may be weighted differently by pigeons and humans.

Animals↗

Recognition by humans and pigeons of novel views of 3-D objects and their photographs.

Humans and pigeons were trained to discriminate between 2 views of actual 3-D objects or their photographs. They were tested on novel views that were either within the closest rotational distance between the training views (interpolated) or outside of that range (extrapolated). When training views were 60 degrees apart, pigeons, but not humans, recognized novel views of actual objects better than their pictures. Further, both species recognized interpolated views of both stimulus types better than extrapolated views, but a single distinctive geon enhanced recognition of novel views only for humans. When training views were 90 degrees apart, pigeons recognized interpolated views better than extrapolated views with actual objects but not with photographs. Thus, pigeons may represent actual objects differently than their pictures.

Adult↗

Cross-cultural similarities and differences in North Americans' geographic location judgments.

We examined some potential causes of bias in geographic location estimates by comparing location estimates of North American cities made by Canadian, U.S., and Mexican university students. All three groups placed most Mexican cities near the equator, which implies that all three groups were influenced by shared beliefs about the locations of geographical regions relative to global reference points. However, the groups divided North America into different regions and differed in the relative accuracy of the estimates within them, which implies that there was an influence of culture-specific knowledge. The data support a category-based system of plausible reasoning, in which biases in judgments are multiply determined, and underscore the utility of the estimation paradigm as a tool in cross-cultural cognitive research.

Attitude↗

The development of geographic categories and biases.

Children and university students (N=58) estimated the locations of major cities in North America. At age 9, a distinct home region was apparent, but no differentiation between northern US and Canadian cities. At 11, four developments were observed: Children divided North America into regions that were not based solely on national boundaries but were the same as university students' regions; psychological border zones between regions exaggerated distances between them; children used new location information to update their estimates for all cities in a seeded region and in adjacent and nonadjacent regions; children preserved the ordinal structure of their initial location estimates for cities in their home region but relied on regional prototype locations to adjust estimates in less familiar regions. The updating methods reflect fundamentally different mechanisms. Theoretical and educational implications are discussed.

Adolescent↗

Bidimensional regression: assessing the configural similarity and accuracy of cognitive maps and other two-dimensional data sets.

Bidimensional regression is a method for comparing the degree of resemblance between 2 planar configurations of points and, more generally, for assessing the nature of the geometry (Euclidean and non-Euclidean) between 2-dimensional independent and dependent variables. For example, it can assess the similarity between location estimates from different tasks or participant groups, measure the fidelity between cognitive maps and actual locations, and provide parameters for psychological process models. The authors detail the formal similarity between uni- and bidimensional regression, provide computational methods and a new index of spatial distortion, outline the advantages of bidimensional regression over other techniques, and provide guidelines for its use. The authors conclude by describing substantive areas in psychology for which the method would be appropriate and uniquely illuminating.

Adult↗

Recognizing rotated views of objects: interpolation versus generalization by humans and pigeons.

Pigeons and humans were trained to discriminate between pictures of three-dimensional objects that differed in global shape. Each pair of objects was shown at two orientations that differed by a depth rotation of 90 degrees during training. Pictures of the objects at novel depth rotations were then tested for recognition. The novel test rotations were 30 degrees, 45 degrees, and 90 degrees from the nearest trained orientation and were either interpolated between the trained orientations or extrapolated outside of the training range. For both pigeons and humans, recognition accuracy and/or speed decreased as a function of distance from the nearest trained orientation. However, humans, but not pigeons, were more accurate in recognizing novel interpolated views than novel extrapolated views. The results suggest that pigeons' recognition was based on independent generalization from each training view, whereas humans showed view-combination processes that resulted in a benefit for novel views interpolated between the training views.

Adolescent↗

An automated apparatus for presenting depth-rotated three-dimensional objects in human and animal object recognition research.

For practical reasons, research on the recognition of objects from different viewpoints has relied almost exclusively on the use of two-dimensional representations of three-dimensional objects. We describe an apparatus that enables the presentation of three-dimensional objects in a discrimination learning paradigm. Three chambers positioned on a movable table allow each of two objects to be presented on either the left or the right side; a viewing window exposes only two of the objects at a time. The objects can be arbitrarily designated as either an S+ or an S-. In addition, they can be placed precisely in any arbitrary start position and rotated in depth in 100 steps of 3.6 degrees each. We have successfully used this apparatus to investigate recognition of depth-rotated objects by both pigeons and humans. By varying the stimuli, number of stimulus chambers, and software programs, the apparatus can be used for other types of tasks and to investigate other types of processes.

Animals↗

A basis for bias in geographical judgments.

To determine why North Americans tend to locate European cities south of North American cities at similar latitudes (Tversky, 1981), we had observers provide bearing estimates between cities in the U.S. and Europe. Earlier research using latitude estimates of these cities has indicated that each continent has several subjective regions (Friedman & Brown, 2000a). Participants judged cities from two subjectively northern regions (Milwaukee-Munich), two subjectively southern regions (Memphis-Lisbon), and the two "crossed" regions (Albuquerque-Geneva; Minneapolis-Rome). Estimates were biased only when cities from the subjectively northern regions of North America were paired with cities from the subjectively southern region of Europe. In contrast to the view that biases are derived from distorted or aligned map-like representations, the data provide evidence that the subjective representation of global geography is principally categorical. Biases in numerical location estimates of individual cities and in bearing estimates between city pairs are derived from plausible reasoning processes operating on the same categorical representations.

Attitude↗

Spatial location judgments: a cross-national comparison of estimation bias in subjective North American geography.

We examined alternate explanations for distortions in the subjective representation of North American geography. One explanation, based on physical proximity, predicts that bias in location estimates should increase with the distance from a participant's home city or region. An alternative is that biases arise from combining accurate and inaccurate beliefs about the cities and the superordinate regions to which they belong, including beliefs that may have social or cultural origins. To distinguish these, Canadians from Alberta and Americans from Texas judged the latitudes of cities in Canada, the U.S., and Mexico. The Texans' estimates of Mexican locations were 16" (approximately 1,120 miles) more biased than their estimates of Canadian locations that were actually about 840 miles farther away. This finding eliminates proximity as a primary source of geographic biases and underscores the role of categorical beliefs as an important source of biased judgments.

Geography↗