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Arthur G Samuel

Publications and source records attributed to Arthur G Samuel.

6 recordsLinked to original sources

Word length and lexical activation: longer is better.

Many models of spoken word recognition posit the existence of lexical and sublexical representations, with excitatory and inhibitory mechanisms used to affect the activation levels of such representations. Bottom-up evidence provides excitatory input, and inhibition from phonetically similar representations leads to lexical competition. In such a system, long words should produce stronger lexical activation than short words, for 2 reasons: Long words provide more bottom-up evidence than short words, and short words are subject to greater inhibition due to the existence of more similar words. Four experiments provide evidence for this view. In addition, reaction-time-based partitioning of the data shows that long words generate greater activation that is available both earlier and for a longer time than is the case for short words. As a result, lexical influences on phoneme identification are extremely robust for long words but are quite fragile and condition-dependent for short words. Models of word recognition must consider words of all lengths to capture the true dynamics of lexical activation.

Cognition↗

Generalization in perceptual learning for speech.

Lexical context strongly influences listeners' identification of ambiguous sounds. For example, a sound midway between /f/ and /s/ is reported as /f/ in "sheri_," but as /s/ in "Pari_." Norris, McQueen, and Cutler (2003) have demonstrated that after hearing such lexically determined phonemes, listeners expand their phonemic categories to include more ambiguous tokens than before. We tested whether listeners adjust their phonemic categories for a specific speaker. Do listeners learn a particular speaker's "accent"? Similarly, we examined whether perceptual learning is specific to the particular ambiguous phonemes that listeners hear, or whether the adjustments generalize to related sounds. Participants heard ambiguous /d/ or /t/ phonemes during a lexical decision task. They then categorized sounds on /d/-/t/ and /b/-/p/ continua, either in the same voice that they had heard for lexical decision, or in a different voice. Perceptual learning generalized across both speaker and test continua: Changes in perceptual representations are robust and broadly tuned.

Decision Making↗

Perceptual learning for speech: Is there a return to normal?

Recent work on perceptual learning shows that listeners' phonemic representations dynamically adjust to reflect the speech they hear (Norris, McQueen, & Cutler, 2003). We investigate how the perceptual system makes such adjustments, and what (if anything) causes the representations to return to their pre-perceptual learning settings. Listeners are exposed to a speaker whose pronunciation of a particular sound (either /s/ or /integral/) is ambiguous (e.g., halfway between /s/ and /integral/). After exposure, participants are tested for perceptual learning on two continua that range from /s/ to /integral/, one in the Same voice they heard during exposure, and one in a Different voice. To assess how representations revert to their prior settings, half of Experiment 1's participants were tested immediately after exposure; the other half performed a 25-min silent intervening task. The perceptual learning effect was actually larger after such a delay, indicating that simply allowing time to pass does not cause learning to fade. The remaining experiments investigate different ways that the system might unlearn a person's pronunciations: listeners hear the Same or a Different speaker for 25 min with either: no relevant (i.e., 'good') /s/ or /integral/ input (Experiment 2), one of the relevant inputs (Experiment 3), or both relevant inputs (Experiment 4). The results support a view of phonemic representations as dynamic and flexible, and suggest that they interact with both higher- (e.g., lexical) and lower-level (e.g., acoustic) information in important ways.

Adaptation, Psychological↗

Perception of Mandarin lexical tones when F0 information is neutralized.

In tone languages, the identity of a word depends on its tone pattern as well as its phonetic structure. The primary cue to tone identity is the fundamental frequency (F0) contour. Two experiments explore spoken word recognition how listeners perceive Mandarin monosyllables in which all or part of the F0 information has been neutralized. In Experiment 1, tone languages supposedly critical portions of the tonal pattern were neutralized with signal processing techniques, yet identification of the tonal pattern remained quite good. In Experiment 2, even more drastic removal of tonal information was tested, using stimuli whispered by Mandarin speakers, or signal processed to remove the pitch cues. Again, performance was surprisingly good, showing that listeners can use secondary cues when the primary cue is unavailable. Moreover, a comparison of tone perception of naturally whispered monosyllables and the signal processed ones suggests that Mandarin speakers promote the utility of secondary cues when they know that the primary cue will be unavailable. The flexible use of cues to tone in Mandarin is similar to the flexibility that has been found in the production and perception of cues to phonetic identity in Western languages.

Adult↗

Inhibition of return: a graphical meta-analysis of its time course and an empirical test of its temporal and spatial properties.

Immediately after a stimulus appears in the visual field, there is often a short period of facilitated processing of stimuli at or near this location. This period is followed by one in which processing is impaired, rather than facilitated. This impairment has been termed inhibition of return (IOR). In the present study, the time course of this phenomenon was examined in two ways. (1) A graphical meta-analysis plotted the size of the effect as a function of the stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) of the two stimuli. This analysis showed that IOR is impressively stable for SOAs of 300-1,600 msec. It also showed that the literature does not provide any clear sense of the duration of IOR. (2) An empirical approach was, therefore, taken to fill this gap in our knowledge of IOR. In three experiments, IOR was tested using SOAs between 600 and 4,200 msec. IOR was robust for approximately 3 sec and appeared to taper off after this point; the observed duration varied somewhat as a function of the testing conditions. In addition, for the first second, the degree of inhibition was inversely related to distance of the target from the original stimulus, but for the next 2 sec this spatial distribution was not observed. Theories of the mechanisms and function of IOR must conform to these spatial and temporal properties.

Attention↗

A reason to rhyme: phonological and semantic influences on lexical access.

During on-line language production, speakers rapidly select a sequence of words to express their desired meaning. The current study examines whether this lexical selection is also dependent on the existing activation of surface properties of the words. Such surface properties clearly matter in various forms of wordplay, including poetry and musical lyrics. The experiments in this article explore whether language processing more generally is sensitive to these properties. Two experiments examined the interaction between phonological and semantic features for written and verbal productions. In Experiment 1, participants were given printed sentences with a missing word, and were asked to generate reasonable completions. The completions reflected both the semantic and the surface features of the preceding context. In Experiment 2, listeners heard sentence contexts, and were asked to rapidly produce a word to complete the utterance. These spontaneous completions again incorporated surface features activated by the context. The results suggest that lexical access in naturalistic language processing is influenced by an interaction between the surface and semantic features of language.

Auditory Perception↗