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B H Repp

Publications and source records attributed to B H Repp.

At least 55 records · Page 3Linked to original sources
PubMed1986

Some observations on the development of anticipatory coarticulation.

The influence of vocalic context on various temporal and spectral properties of preceding acoustic segments was investigated in utterances containing [schwa No. CV] sequences produced by two girls aged 4;8 and 9;5 years and by their father. The younger (but not the older) child's speech showed a systematic lowering of [s] noise and [th] release burst spectra before [u] as compared to [i] and [ae]. The older child's speech, on the other hand, showed an orderly relationship of the second-formant frequency in [] to the transconsonantal vowel. Both children tended to produce longer [s] noises and voice onset times as well as higher second-formant peaks at constriction noise offset before [i] than before [u] and [ae]. All effects except the first were shown by the adult who, in addition, produced first-formant frequencies in [] that anticipated the transconsonantal vowel. These observations suggest that different forms of anticipatory coarticulation may have different causes and may follow different developmental patterns. A strategy for future research is suggested.

Adult↗
PubMed1985

Perceptual coherence of speech: stability of silence-cued stop consonants.

A series of experiments was conducted to examine the perceptual stability of stop consonants cued by silence alone, as when [s] + silence + [laet] is perceived as splat. Following a replication of this perceptual integration phenomenon (Experiment 1), attempts were made to block it by instructing subjects to disregard the initial [s] and to focus instead on the onset of the following signal, which was varied from [plaet] to [laet]. However, these instructions had little effect at short silence durations (Experiment 2), and they reduced stop percepts for only 2 subjects at longer silence durations (Experiment 3). That is, subjects were generally unable to voluntarily dissociate the [s] noise from the following signal and thus to perceive the silent interval as silence rather than as a carrier of phonetic information. A low-uncertainty paradigm facilitated the task somewhat (Experiment 4). However, when the [s] frication was replaced with broadband noise (Experiment 5), listeners had no trouble at all in the selective-attention task, except at very short silence durations (less than 40 ms). This last finding suggests that, except for the shortest durations, the effect of silence on phonetic perception does not arise at the level of psychoacoustic stimulus interactions. Rather, the results support the hypothesis that perceptual integration of speech components, including silence, is a largely obligatory perceptual function driven by the listener's tacit knowledge of phonetic regularities.

Attention↗
PubMed1985

Influence of following context on perception of the voiced-voiceless distinction in syllable-final stop consonants.

This paper reports acoustic measurements and results from a series of perceptual experiments on the voiced-voiceless distinction for syllable-final stop consonants in absolute final position and in the context of a following syllable beginning with a different stop consonant. The focus is on temporal cues to the distinction, with vowel duration and silent closure duration as the primary and secondary dimensions, respectively. The main results are that adding a second syllable to a monosyllable increases the number of voiced stop consonant responses, as does shortening of the closure duration in disyllables. Both of these effects are consistent with temporal regularities in speech production: Vowel durations are shorter in the first syllable of disyllables than in monosyllables, and closure durations are shorter for voiced than for voiceless stops in disyllabic utterances of this type. While the perceptual effects thus may derive from two separate sources of tacit phonetic knowledge available to listeners, the data are also consistent with an interpretation in terms of a single effect; one of temporal proximity of following context.

Adult↗
PubMed1984

The role of release bursts in the perception of [s]-stop clusters.

The role of the release burst as a cue to the perception of stop consonants following [s] was investigated in a series of studies. Experiment 1 demonstrated that silent closure duration and burst duration can be traded as cues for the "say"-"stay" distinction. Experiment 2 revealed a similar trading relation between closure duration and burst amplitude. Experiments 3 and 4 suggested, perhaps surprisingly, that absolute, not relative, burst amplitude is important. Experiment 5 demonstrated that listener's sensitivity to bursts in a labeling task is at least equal to their sensitivity in a burst detection task. Experiments 6 and 7 replicated the trading relation between closure duration and burst amplitude for labial stops in the "slit"-"split" and "slash"-"splash" distinctions, although burst amplification, in contrast to attenuation, had no effect. All experiments revealed that listeners are remarkably sensitive to the presence of even very weak release bursts.

Auditory Threshold↗
PubMed1984

Effects of temporal stimulus properties on perception of the [sl]-[spl] distinction.

Two studies investigated the influence of the independently varied durations of preceding and following signal portions on the amount of closure silence needed to perceive 'splash' rather than 'slash'. Increases (or decreases) in the durations of the [s] and [l] acoustic segments had opposite effects which cancelled when the silent intervals were short (experiment 1), but yielded a net effect due to [s] duration when the silent intervals were long (experiment 2). These findings, which resolve a conflict between earlier results in the literature, are interpreted as reflecting a perceptual compensation for coarticulatory shortening of [s] before stop consonants, in conjunction with (possibly psychoacoustic) contrastive interactions between the perceived durations of adjacent acoustic segments. The results suggest that local temporal signal properties, as distinct from global perceived speaking rate, are an important factor in phonetic perception.

Humans↗
PubMed1983

Coarticulation in sequences of two nonhomorganic stop consonants: perceptual and acoustic evidence.

This study investigated whether any perceptually useful coarticulatory information is carried by the release burst of the first of two successive, nonhomorganic stop consonants. The CV portions of natural VCCV utterances were replaced with matched synthetic stimuli from a continuum spanning the three places of stop articulation. There was a sizable effect of coarticulatory cues in the natural-speech portion on the perception of the second stop consonant. Moreover, when the natural VC portions including the final release burst were presented in isolation, listeners were significantly better than chance at guessing the identity of the following, "missing" syllable-initial stop. The hypothesis that the release burst of a syllable-final stop contains significant coarticulatory information about the place of articulation of a following, nonhomorganic stop was further confirmed in acoustic analyses which revealed significant effects of CV context on the spectral properties of the release bursts. The relationship between acoustic stimulus properties and listeners' perceptual responses was not straightforward, however.

Cues↗
PubMed1983

Perception of intervocalic stop consonants: the contributions of closure duration and formant transitions.

Acoustic analyses of vowel-consonant-vowel (VCV) utterances indicate that they generally include formant transitions from the first vowel into a period of closure (VC transitions), and transitions out of the closure into the second vowel (CV transitions). Three experiments investigated the perceptual importance of the VC transitions, the CV transitions, and the closure period in identification of medial stop consonants varying in place of articulation. Experiment 1 compared identification of members of synthetic VC and CV continua with those from VCV series made by concatenating corresponding VC and CV stimuli using various closure durations. Experiment 2 examined identification of VCV stimuli constructed with only VC, only CV, or both VC and CV transitions; again closure duration was systematically varied. Experiment 3 correlated CV and VC identification with identification of VCV stimuli. Neither closure duration nor formant transition structure (i.e., only VC, only CV, or both) had an independent effect on identification. Instead, the formant structure and closure duration together strongly affected stop identification. When both VC and CV transitions were present, the CV transitions contributed somewhat more to identification of medial stops with short closures, than the VC transitions did. With longer closure durations, neither set of transitions appeared to determine perceived place of articulation in any simple way. Overall, the data indicate that the perception of a medial consonant is more than simply a (weighted) sum of its parts.

Humans↗
PubMed1982

Context independence and phonetic mediation in categorical perception.

Categorical perception, as an ideal situation, is rarely if ever observed in the laboratory. Two separate requirements must be met for categorical perception: (a) Discrimination performance must be phonetically mediated (i.e., it should be predictable from labeling performance), (b) labeling responses must be independent of the stimulus context. To determine the extent to which departures from the ideal are due to failures to meet one or both of these requirements, we used four stimulus continua in same-different (AX) discrimination and labeling tasks: stop-consonant-vowel (CV) syllables, isolated vowels, isolated fricative noises, and nonspeech sounds varying in timbre. We found that perception of CV syllables fell short of the ideal only because of contextual influences on labeling. Neither criterion of categorical perception was met by vowels or fricative noises, but subjects were more prone to phonetic mediation with vowels than with fricative noises, and they showed more context independence with fricative noises than with vowels. Surprisingly, the nonspeech timbre stimuli satisfied both requirements better than either vowels or fricative noises. This findings was attributed to the short duration of our timbre stimuli, which prevented them from sounding vowel-like but at the same time may have prevented stable auditory memory traces.

Discrimination Learning↗
PubMed1982

Fricative-stop coarticulation: acoustic and perceptual evidence.

Eight native speakers of American English each produced ten tokens of all possible CV, FCV, and VFCV utterances with V = [a] or [u], F = [s] or [integral of], and C = [t] or [k]. Acoustic analysis showed that the formant transition onsets following the stop consonant release were systematically influenced by the preceding fricative, although there were large individual differences. In particular, F3 and F4 tended to be higher following [s] than following [integral of]. The coarticulatory effects were equally large in FCV (e.g.,/sta/) and VFCV (e.g.,/asda/) utterances; that is, they were not reduced when a syllable boundary intervened between fricative and stop. In a parallel perceptual study, the CV portions of these utterances (with release bursts removed to provoke errors) were presented to listeners for identification of the stop consonant. The pattern of place-of-articulation confusions, too, revealed coarticulatory effects due to the excised fricative context.

Female↗