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D Finkelhor

Publications and source records attributed to D Finkelhor.

43 records · Page 3Linked to original sources

Removing the child--prosecuting the offender in cases of sexual abuse: evidence from the national reporting system for child abuse and neglect.

Sexual abuse has come to public attention so rapidly and is such a difficult problem to deal with that many observers are concerned that the quality of child protective intervention in these cases has been haphazard and indiscriminate. This article analyzes data on all 6,096 cases of child sexual abuse which were "officially reported" in 1978 to see what kinds of intervention were made. The data show that foster placement occurred in more cases of sexual abuse than physical abuse, and was concentrated among cases of older children who reported their own victimization. Criminal action was taken almost five times more often in cases of sexual abuse than in cases of physical abuse, and occurred more often among cases which were directly reported to police and involved offenders with prior criminal records. Black families and poorer families did not seem to be the objects of obvious discrimination in the disposition of these cases.

Child↗

Sexual abuse: a sociological perspective.

How have contemporary social changes affected the problem of child sexual abuse? The rapid rise of this problem to public attention in the United States is in part due to the mobilization around the problem by the women's movement and the child welfare movement there. But factors shown by research to be associated with the problem--social isolation and patriarchal authority--are so widespread as to suggest that this is a problem of international proportions, as well. The rising divorce rate in the U.S. and worldwide, would appear to put more children at risk at the same time that it has also made it easier for children and their mothers to escape from the most oppressive and intolerable family situations. The sexual revolution and the erosion of external controls on sexual behavior have also in all likelihood aggravated the problem, too. Sexual abuse needs to be seen as a problem distinct from physical child abuse--characterized by the preponderance of offenders who are males. This suggests searching for the sources of the problem in male sexual socialization rather than in problems of inadequate and disaffected parenting.

Adult↗

Sex among siblings: a survey on prevalence, variety, and effects.

In a survey of 796 undergraduates at six New England colleges and universities, 15% of the females and 10% of the males reported some type of sexual experience involving a sibling. Fondling and touching of the genitals were the most common activities in all age categories. One-fourth of the experiences could be described as exploitative either because force was used or because there was a large age disparity between the partners. Reactions to the experiences were equally divided among those who considered them positive and those who considered them negative. Females were more likely than males to have been exploited and feel badly about it. Few participants of either sex ever told anyone. The research finds evidence that such experience may have long-term effects on sexual development. Females who report sibling sexual experiences, both positive and negative, have substantially higher levels of current sexual activity. Their level of sexual self-esteem may also have been affected, but more selectively. Those with positive sibling experiences after age 9 have more sexual self-esteem. However, experiences with much older siblings taking place before age 9 are associated with generally lower levels of self-esteem and no increase in current sexual activity.

Adolescent↗

Epidemiological factors in the clinical identification of child sexual abuse.

The main finding from epidemiological literature on child sexual abuse is that no identifiable demographic or family characteristics of a child may be used to exclude the possibility that a child has been sexually abused. Some characteristics are associated with greater risk: girls more than boys, preadolescents and early adolescents, having a stepfather, living without a natural parent, having an impaired mother, poor parenting, or witnessing family conflict. Class and ethnicity appear not be associated with risk. In any case, none of these factors bear a strong enough relationship to the occurrence of abuse that their presence could play a confirming or disconfirming role in the identification of actual cases.

Child↗

Current information on the scope and nature of child sexual abuse.

Approximately 150,000 confirmed cases of child sexual abuse were reported to child welfare authorities in the United States during 1993. This number represents about 15% of the more than one million confirmed cases of all child abuse and neglect. But the true scope of this problem is better reflected in retrospective surveys of adults, and this article summarizes data from 19 of these surveys. Considerable evidence exists to show that at least 20% of American women and 5% to 10% of American men experienced some form of sexual abuse as children. The rates are somewhat lower among people born before World War II, but there is little evidence of a dramatic increase for recent generations. The studies provide little evidence that race or socioeconomic circumstances are major risk factors. They do show elevated risk for children who experienced parental inadequacy, unavailability, conflict, harsh punishment, and emotional deprivation. Adult retrospective studies are also good sources of information about the characteristics of abuse. Most sexual abuse is committed by men (90%) and by persons known to the child (70% to 90%), with family members constituting one-third to one-half of the perpetrators against girls and 10% to 20% of the perpetrators against boys. Family members constitute a higher percentage of the perpetrators in child protective agency cases because the mandate of these agencies generally precludes their involvement in extrafamily abuse. Around 20% to 25% of child sexual abuse cases involve penetration or oral-genital contact. The peak age of vulnerability is between 7 and 13. Studies of the criminal justice processing of sexual abusers suggest that, compared with other violent criminals, slightly fewer are prosecuted, but of those prosecuted, slightly more are convicted. Studies conducted in the 1980s also showed that, once convicted, relatively few sexual abusers receive sentences longer than one year, while 32% to 46% serve no jail time. Overall, there is little evidence to suggest that either the child welfare system or the criminal justice system abandons its usual standards of operation and acts hysterically when confronted with sexual abuse.

Age Factors↗

New categories of missing children: injured, lost, delinquent, and victims of caregiver mix-ups.

A national survey of 10,367 households uncovered cases of missing children that did not fall into one of the four federally defined categories of missing children. Qualitative and quantitative procedures disclosed the existence of four additional categories: children missing due to injury in an accident, delinquent and rebellious behavior, getting lost, and miscommunication among adult caregivers. Two of these categories, injured and lost children, should particularly be included in missing children's typologies because of their potential seriousness. Vulnerability to all four kinds of episodes was associated with certain family characteristics, suggesting that they were not simply accidental occurrences. In addition to help in locating their children, these families may need other forms of assistance.

Adolescent↗