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D Kat

Publications and source records attributed to D Kat.

4 recordsLinked to original sources

Adaptation is automatic.

Two experiments were used to test whether selective adaptation for speech occurs automatically or instead requires attentional resources. A control condition demonstrated the usual large identification shifts caused by repeatedly presenting an adapting sound (/wa/, with listeners identifying members of a /ba/-/wa/ test series). Two types of distractor tasks were used: (1) Subjects did a rapid series of arithmetic problems during the adaptation periods (Experiments 1 and 2), or (2) they made a series of rhyming judgments, requiring phonetic coding (Experiment 2). A control experiment (Experiment 3) demonstrated that these tasks normally impose a heavy attentional cost on phonetic processing. Despite this, for both experimental conditions, the observed adaptation effect was just as large as in the control condition. This result indicates that adaptation is automatic, operating at an early, preattentive level. The implications of these results for current models of speech perception are discussed.

Adaptation, Psychological

More adaptation of speech by nonspeech.

Three experiments tested Samuel and Newport's (1979) hypothesis that the perceptual system sorts its input on the basis of its spectral quality (periodic vs. aperiodic). In Experiment 1, repeated presentation of a shaped white-noise segment (aperiodic) produced a labeling shift on a /ja-za/ continuum (primarily aperiodic); two periodic adaptors produced no effect, supporting Samuel and Newport's hypothesis. The second experiment replicated these results and showed that the nonspeech adaptor produced almost as much adaptation as the test series' endpoint /za). In addition, using several mixtures of periodic and aperiodic adaptors indicated that the aperiodic component dominates adaptation effects for /ja-za/. A final experiment, using a similarity rating task, confirmed that subjects group /za/ with unvoiced fricatives rather than with other voiced consonants. The results thus indicate that the perceptual system is sensitive to whether the input is primarily periodic or aperiodic, regardless of whether it is speech or nonspeech.

Adaptation, Physiological

Which syllable does an intervocalic stop belong to? A selective adaptation study.

Three selective adaptation experiments were conducted to investigate whether intervocalic stops are perceived as the end of the preceding syllable or as the beginning of the following one. The pattern of adaptation effects (and just as importantly, noneffects) indicated that intervocalic stop consonants are perceptually more like syllable-initial than syllable-final ones. From this it might be concluded that the perceptual system breaks down a vowel-consonant-vowel (VCV) utterance into a V-CV sequence. However, the similarity of an intervocalic stop to a syllable-initial one is quite limited; the consonant in a VCV is apparently treated as essentially different from consonants in either VC or CV utterances. These results clarify, and perhaps complicate, the role of the syllable in models of the speech perception process.

Adaptation, Physiological

Perception of intervocalic stop consonants: the contributions of closure duration and formant transitions.

Acoustic analyses of vowel-consonant-vowel (VCV) utterances indicate that they generally include formant transitions from the first vowel into a period of closure (VC transitions), and transitions out of the closure into the second vowel (CV transitions). Three experiments investigated the perceptual importance of the VC transitions, the CV transitions, and the closure period in identification of medial stop consonants varying in place of articulation. Experiment 1 compared identification of members of synthetic VC and CV continua with those from VCV series made by concatenating corresponding VC and CV stimuli using various closure durations. Experiment 2 examined identification of VCV stimuli constructed with only VC, only CV, or both VC and CV transitions; again closure duration was systematically varied. Experiment 3 correlated CV and VC identification with identification of VCV stimuli. Neither closure duration nor formant transition structure (i.e., only VC, only CV, or both) had an independent effect on identification. Instead, the formant structure and closure duration together strongly affected stop identification. When both VC and CV transitions were present, the CV transitions contributed somewhat more to identification of medial stops with short closures, than the VC transitions did. With longer closure durations, neither set of transitions appeared to determine perceived place of articulation in any simple way. Overall, the data indicate that the perception of a medial consonant is more than simply a (weighted) sum of its parts.

Humans