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G W McRoberts

Publications and source records attributed to G W McRoberts.

6 recordsLinked to original sources

Discrimination of non-native consonant contrasts varying in perceptual assimilation to the listener's native phonological system.

Classic non-native speech perception findings suggested that adults have difficulty discriminating segmental distinctions that are not employed contrastively in their own language. However, recent reports indicate a gradient of performance across non-native contrasts, ranging from near-chance to near-ceiling. Current theoretical models argue that such variations reflect systematic effects of experience with phonetic properties of native speech. The present research addressed predictions from Best's perceptual assimilation model (PAM), which incorporates both contrastive phonological and noncontrastive phonetic influences from the native language in its predictions about discrimination levels for diverse types of non-native contrasts. We evaluated the PAM hypotheses that discrimination of a non-native contrast should be near-ceiling if perceived as phonologically equivalent to a native contrast, lower though still quite good if perceived as a phonetic distinction between good versus poor exemplars of a single native consonant, and much lower if both non-native segments are phonetically equivalent in goodness of fit to a single native consonant. Two experiments assessed native English speakers' perception of Zulu and Tigrinya contrasts expected to fit those criteria. Findings supported the PAM predictions, and provided evidence for some perceptual differentiation of phonological, phonetic, and nonlinguistic information in perception of non-native speech. Theoretical implications for non-native speech perception are discussed, and suggestions are made for further research.

Adolescent↗

Accommodation in mean f0 during mother-infant and father-infant vocal interactions: a longitudinal case study.

Reports that infants imitate the vocal pitch characteristics of adult caregivers (e.g. Lewis, 1936/1951) include Lieberman's (1967; Lieberman, Ryalls & Rabson, 1982) claim that infants differentially adjust their vocal pitch or fundamental frequency (f0) towards that of their caregivers, resulting in higher mean pitch when interacting with mothers than when interacting with fathers. However, a recent cross-sectional study of infants at ages 0:8 to 0:9 and 1:0 failed to find evidence of differential pitch adjustment toward male and female caregivers (Siegel, Cooper, Morgan & Brennessie-Sarshad, 1990). A more sensitive test of Lieberman's claims would be to use a longitudinal design, with spontaneous recording sessions repeated over many months. The current study presents data from a longitudinal case study of an infant recorded at ages 0:3, 0:7, 0:10, 1:3 and 1:5 interacting with each of her parents in spontaneous play sessions and in isolated play. The infant in our study did not demonstrate significant adjustment of her vocal pitch in the direction of either parent. However, we did find evidence for consistent adjustment by the parents, in accord with the literature on infant-directed speech and mother-infant dyadic interactions, which suggest that the parents adjusted their behavior to suit the infant more than vice versa.

Adult↗

The role of fundamental frequency in signaling linguistic stress and affect: evidence for a dissociation.

The fundamental frequency (F0) of the voice is used to convey information about both linguistic and affective distinctions. However, no research has directly investigated how these two types of distinctions are simultaneously encoded in speech production. This study provides evidence that F0 prominences intended to convey linguistic or affective distinctions can be differentiated by their influence on the amount of final-syllable F0 rise used to signal a question. Specifically, a trading relation obtains when the F0 prominence is used to convey emphatic stress. That is, the amount of final-syllable F0 rise decreases as the F0 prominence increases. When the F0 prominence is used to convey affect, no trading relation is observed.

Adult↗

Sex differences in performance and hemispheric organization for a nonverbal auditory task.

Musically experienced and inexperienced men and women discriminated among fundamental-frequency contours presented either binaurally (i.e., same contour to both ears) or dichotically (i.e., different contours to each ear). On two separate occasions, males made significantly fewer errors than did females in the binaural condition, but not in the dichotic condition. Subjects with prior musical experience were superior to musically naive subjects in both conditions. The dichotic pitch task produced a left-ear advantage, which was unrelated to gender or musical experience. The results suggest that the male advantage on the binaural task reflects a sex difference in the coordination of the two hemispheres during conjoint processing of the same stimuli rather than a difference in the direction or degree of hemispheric specialization for these stimuli.

Adult↗

Young infants' perception of liquid coarticulatory influences on following stop consonants.

Phonetic segments are coarticulated in speech. Accordingly, the articulatory and acoustic properties of the speech signal during the time frame traditionally identified with a given phoneme are highly context-sensitive. For example, due to carryover coarticulation, the front tongue-tip position for /1/ results in more fronted tongue-body contact for a /g/ preceded by /1/ than for a /g/ preceded by /r/. Perception by mature listeners shows a complementary sensitivity--when a synthetic /da/-/ga/ continuum is preceded by either /al/ or /ar/, adults hear more /g/s following /l/ rather than /r/. That is, some of the fronting information in the temporal domain of the stop is perceptually attributed to /l/ (Mann, 1980). We replicated this finding and extended it to a signal-detection test of discrimination with adults, using triads of disyllables. Three equidistant items from a /da/-/ga/ continuum were used preceded by /al/ and /ar/. In the identification test, adults had identified item ga5 as "ga,' and dal as "da,' following both /al/ and /ar/, whereas they identified the crucial item d/ga3 predominantly as "ga' after /al/ but as "da' after /ar/. In the discrimination test, they discriminated d/ga3 from da1 preceded by /al/ but not /ar/; compatibly, they discriminated d/ga3 readily from ga5 preceded by /ar/ but poorly preceded by /al/. We obtained similar results with 4-month-old infants. Following habituation to either ald/ga3 or ard/ga3, infants heard either the corresponding ga5 or da1 disyllable. As predicted, the infants discriminated d/ga3 from da1 following /al/ but not /ar/; conversely, they discriminated d/ga3 from ga5 following /ar/ but not /al/. The results suggest that prelinguistic infants disentangle consonant-consonant coarticulatory influences in speech in an adult-like fashion.

Adult↗

Examination of perceptual reorganization for nonnative speech contrasts: Zulu click discrimination by English-speaking adults and infants.

The language environment modifies the speech perception abilities found in early development. In particular, adults have difficulty perceiving many nonnative contrasts that young infants discriminate. The underlying perceptual reorganization apparently occurs by 10-12 months. According to one view, it depends on experiential effects on psychoacoustic mechanisms. Alternatively, phonological development has been held responsible, with perception influenced by whether the nonnative sounds occur allophonically in the native language. We hypothesized that a phonemic process appears around 10-12 months that assimilates speech sounds to native categories whenever possible; otherwise, they are perceived in auditory or phonetic (articulatory) terms. We tested this with English-speaking listeners by using Zulu click contrasts. Adults discriminated the click contrasts; performance on the most difficult (80% correct) was not diminished even when the most obvious acoustic difference was eliminated. Infants showed good discrimination of the acoustically modified contrast even by 12-14 months. Together with earlier reports of developmental change in perception of nonnative contrasts, these findings support a phonological explanation of language-specific reorganization in speech perception.

Adult↗