Geographic variation in Medicare prevailing charges for physician services.
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to G W Shannon.
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The mid-19th century saw the emergence of a major medical innovation, namely, the rise of the state lunatic asylum. Beginning in the northeast, the phenomenon spread rapidly westwards. By 1875 no fewer than 71 mental hospitals were opened in 32 existing states. Although premised upon belief in the efficacy of 'moral and humane' treatment, the asylums soon became custodial rather than therapeutic institutions. Average size continually increased; some accommodated well over 2000 patients. The provision of more asylums, and broadened definitions of insanity, generated increasing patient numbers which, in turn, caused public consternation and fear of increasing 'madness' in the population. Geographic analysis of admissions in 18 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces reveals the universality of distance decay around the asylums, and demonstrates that hospital service-area cones were predominantly local in effect. Thus the 'state' asylum was in reality a local institution. The deinstitutionalization movement of recent decades is apparently bringing to a closure a 100-year cycle of incarceration-decarceration of the mentally ill. Nevertheless, whether patients are geographically concentrated or dispersed, the influence of distance decay remains a relevant consideration.
The inverse relationship between distance from mental health services and their use has been noted over many decades and on several continents. Although many factors--diagnostic, socioeconomic, and nosocomial--may modify this correlation, its persistence is remarkable. As other barriers to use are diminished, distance remains a mutable variable for planning more effective use of many health care services.
The importance of effective planning strategies for the location of primary medical services for the independently living elderly increases as their absolute number and proportion in the general population increases. Current spatial planning strategies focus on providing services in centralized locations or decentralized at the level of the somewhat problematic residential "neighborhood" or catchment area. An alternative or supplemental strategy based on the actual use of community space by the elderly is presented in this article. Aggregate activity spaces are identified and illustrated using activity location data obtained for a sample of elderly urban residents. Subsequently, the aggregate spaces are used as a basis for suggesting the location of ambulatory care facilities. It is believed that the aggregate activity space represents a dynamic and more functional approach to spatial planning strategies than current approaches and, therefore, that it can be used more effectively to locate services for the elderly.
In the United States the number of elderly and their percentage of the total population continues to increase. The large majority will never require care in an institution, yet they are faced with increasing health problems and decreased mobility, and almost half require prescription drugs to pursue activities of daily living. In this paper selected patterns of pharmacy patronage among a sample of elderly are presented. Overall, the percentage of elderly requiring prescriptions reflects national estimates and no significant difference is found in the expressed need for prescriptions between black and respondents. 'Neighborhood' pharmacies are perceived as being very important, but relatively few use the most geographically convenient. Nevertheless, the large majority of elderly are satisfied with distances they presently have to travel to purchase prescriptions. The observed travel patterns for prescription purchases suggest that conventional wisdom pertaining to the nature of the pharmacy journey, the notion of convenience and the traditional concept of neighborhood among the elderly should be reexamined.
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Results are presented of a study of the medical care-seeking behavior of black adult residents of lower and middle socioeconomic status in two predominantly black, yet geographically and socioeconomically distinct communities within the District of Columbia. Against a varied distribution of primary medical care opportunities within the District, substantial differences are demonstrated in their use by lower- and middle-status residents of a lower-class community. These differences are not, however, manifested among lower- and middle-status residents of an essentially middle-class neighborhood. The patterns of medical care-seeking behavior are observed within a framework of an almost total avoidance of the available medical care personnel and facilities in the proximate suburbs.
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A relative lack of medical services is common in rural areas, and it has been suggested that the number of births in the mother's county of residence reflects both the availability of obstetric services as well as attitudes toward local and nonlocal medical care. In order to better understand these relationships, we analyzed the evolution of medical and geographical patterns of births to women of a rural Kentucky county in the context of both a changing philosophy and a changing availability of medical care. Specifically, using archival data, we assessed the locus (i.e., home versus hospital) and location (i.e., county) of births to Robertson County women from 1911 to 1980. Without a hospital for the entire period and with the number of physicians declining, the percentage of in-county home births increased steadily, reaching virtually 100 percent by 1950. During this same period, the number of physicians practicing there decreased from 22 to 2. Subsequent delivery patterns reflect the acceptance by the physicians and women of the "principle" of hospital delivery formally enounced in 1945. By 1965, home births had been eliminated, and Robertson County women were, of necessity, traveling the 25-30 miles to the several hospitals in contiguous counties. In the past 15 years, a substantial proportion (almost 20 percent) have elected to travel to hospitals even farther (55-60 miles) from Robertson County. Generally, the Robertson County experience reflects the "lag" observed in the rural-urban, home versus hospital birth experience. Nevertheless, since 1966, all recorded births to Robertson County women have occurred in hospitals.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)