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Ian St James-Roberts

Publications and source records attributed to Ian St James-Roberts.

5 recordsLinked to original sources

Attention development in 10-month-old infants selected by the WILSTAAR screen for pre-language difficulties.

BACKGROUND: WILSTAAR comprises a programme for identifying and treating 8-10-month-old infants who are at risk of language and cognitive difficulties. It has been adopted by health trusts, and included in Sure Start intervention schemes, throughout the UK. This study addresses one of the main queries raised by critics of the programme, by providing evidence about the psychological abilities of infants who fail the WILSTAAR screening assessment. METHODS: Thirty 10-month-old infants who failed the screen ('at-risk' infants) and 30 gender- and age-matched infants who passed the screen ('not-at-risk' infants) were assessed using a standard, validated measure of attention, the Distractibility Task. RESULTS: The at-risk infants were found to have poorer focused attention, and were more distractible, than the not-at-risk infants. The not-at-risk infants were quicker in deducing that distractor slides included in the task were of little importance, spent more sustained periods of time in focused attention on toy play, and were quicker in learning to use the information available in the task. CONCLUSIONS: The findings contribute to knowledge about infants' psychological development and provide partial support for the thinking underlying WILSTAAR. Evidence was found to support concerns about the accuracy of the WILSTAAR screening assessment, and issues about the trade-off between assessment age and the inclusion of WILSTAAR in routine services are discussed.

Attention↗

Infant crying and sleeping in London, Copenhagen and when parents adopt a "proximal" form of care.

OBJECTIVE: Western parents are given conflicting advice about whether to introduce a "scheduled" approach to infant care or to follow their infants' demands. Attempts to address this issue using randomized, controlled trials have been unsuccessful. This comparative study collected evidence about methods of parenting and associated infant crying and sleeping in 2 communities with substantially different approaches to infant care (London, United Kingdom, and Copenhagen, Denmark) and in a "proximal care" group, where parents planned to hold their infants > or =80% of the time between 8 am and 8 pm, breastfeed frequently, and respond rapidly to infant cries. METHODS: Validated behavior diaries were used to measure parental behavior and infant crying and night waking longitudinally at 8 to 14 days, 5 to 6 weeks, and 10 to 14 weeks of age. Feeding and sleeping practices were measured by questionnaire. RESULTS: Proximal care parents held infants for 15 to 16 hours per 24 hours and coslept with them through the night more often than other groups. London parents had 50% less physical contact with their infants than proximal care parents, including less contact when the infants were crying and when awake and settled. London parents also abandoned breastfeeding earlier than other groups. Copenhagen parents fell in between the other groups in measures of contact and care. These differences in caregiving were associated with substantial differences in several aspects of infant crying and settled behavior at night. London infants cried 50% more overall than infants in both other groups at 2 and 5 weeks of age. However, bouts of unsoothable crying occurred in all 3 of the groups, and the groups did not differ in unsoothable bouts or in colicky crying at 5 weeks of age. Proximal care infants woke and cried at night most often at 12 weeks. Compared with proximal care infants, Copenhagen infants cried as little per 24 hours, but woke and cried at night less often at 12 weeks of age. CONCLUSIONS: "Infant-demand" care and conventional Western care, as practiced by London parents, are associated with different benefits and costs. As used by proximal care and Copenhagen parents, infant demand parenting is associated with less overall crying per 24 hours. However, the proximal form of infant-demand parenting is associated with more frequent night waking and crying at 12 weeks of age. Copenhagen infants cry as little per 24 hours as proximal care infants but are settled at night like London infants at 12 weeks of age. Colicky crying bouts at 5 weeks of age are unaffected by care. The findings have implications for public health care policy. First, they add to evidence that bouts of unsoothable crying, which are common in early infancy, are not much affected by variations in parenting, providing reassurance that this aspect of infant crying is not parents' fault. Second, the findings provide information that professionals can give to parents to help them to make choices about infant care. Third, the findings support some experts' concerns that many English parents are adopting methods of care that lead to increased crying in their infants. There is a need for informed debate among professionals, policy makers, and parents about the social and cultural bases for the marked differences between London and Copenhagen parents' approach to care.

Adult↗

Do pregnancy and childbirth adversities predict infant crying and colic? Findings and recommendations.

Bouts of unexplained crying in 1- to 3-month-old infants are a common problem for parents and health services. One proposed explanation has linked the crying to preceding adversities, such as maternal stress and cigarette smoking during pregnancy and complications during childbirth. In the first part of this review, we argue that studies of these links have methodological shortcomings, and make recommendations about the safeguards needed to overcome these shortcomings. In part two, we present a study that assesses the relations between adversity indices and validated measures of crying in two separate cohorts of infants. Four indices of childbirth adversity predicted infant crying separately and cumulatively in cohort 1, but not in cohort 2. We conclude that there is a need for further research that includes replication and other safeguards. Infant crying is a highly emotional issue for many parents. Before researchers add to their burden by claiming that maternal prenatal anxiety, cigarette smoking, or labour medication, contribute to their baby's crying, we need to be sure of our grounds.

Adult↗

Individual differences in responsivity to a neurobehavioural examination predict crying patterns of 1-week-old infants at home.

Unexplained crying in infants aged 1 to 3 months is a common concern for Western parents and health services. This study examined the hypothesis that the crying is due to high infant responsivity, and provides evidence about the types of stimulation that trigger crying in infants who present with high responsivity. The sample included 93 eight-day-old infants from a community sample (47 females, 46 males; mean birthweight 3457g; mean gestation 39.4 weeks; mean Apgar scores 8.28 at 1 minute and 9.59 at 5 minutes). Infants were tested for their response to two standard, mildly challenging, procedures: a neurobehavioural test involving undressing, putting down, and handling, and the Guthrie test, involving a painful heel prick to obtain a blood sample. The infants' crying over 24 hours was recorded in parental diaries. Newborn infants who exhibited high responsivity during the neurobehavioural assessment cried, rather than fussed, the most at home. High responsivity during the neurobehavioural assessment also predicted those infants who cried a lot and met a definition of 'colic' at home. The findings support the responsivity hypothesis and show that infants with high responsivity are upset by undressing, putting down, and sustained handling. Explanations for this and implications for the management of infant crying and colic are discussed.

Age Factors↗

Home environments of 10-month-old infants selected by the WILSTAAR screen for pre-language difficulties.

BACKGROUND AND AIMS: The Ward Infant Language Screening Test, Assessment, Acceleration and Remediation (WILSTAAR) comprises a programme for identifying and helping 8-10-month-old infants showing early signs of language and communication difficulty. The study addresses one of the queries raised by critics of the programme by providing evidence about the backgrounds and home environments of infants who fail the WILSTAAR screening assessment. METHODS AND PROCEDURES: Thirty 10-month-old infants who failed the screen ('at-risk' infants) and 30 gender- and age-matched infants who passed the screen ('not-at-risk' infants) were visited at home by a trained observer who collected information about the infants' physical and social environment and families' demographic features. OUTCOMES AND RESULTS: Parents of both groups were well educated, in stable relationships, and had no evidence of social or economic disadvantage. Measures of ambient sound level and television exposure did not support the hypothesis that the at-risk infants' environments involved high levels of noise. However, observations of spontaneous behaviour and a standardized Mother-Infant Play Task identified low amounts of social interaction in at-risk cases. During the play task, mothers of at-risk infants spent twice as much time without interacting with their infants. At-risk infants babbled one-third less than not-at-risk infants during 150-min observations of spontaneous behaviour. CONCLUSIONS: The findings point to deficiencies in social interaction and communication, involving both infant and parental contributions, as maintaining the infants' difficulties at this age. The core of the WILSTAAR intervention, of encouraging social communication between parents and infants, is not complex and does not need to be confined to at-risk cases. How this is best accomplished in the general community, and whether it should be included in national schemes such as Sure Start in the UK, are important topics for practitioners and policy-makers.

Attention↗