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Biomedical subjects

Martha M White

Publications and source records attributed to Martha M White.

10 recordsLinked to original sources

Trends in smoking among Hispanic women in California: Relationship to English language use.

BACKGROUND: Research has shown that Hispanic women who speak mostly English have higher smoking rates than those who speak mostly another language. It is unknown how differences in smoking by English language use among adult Hispanic women in California have changed in recent years. METHODS: We compared current daily (100 or more cigarettes in lifetime, now smokes daily) and current nondaily (100 or more cigarettes in lifetime, now smokes some days) smoking prevalence for adult Hispanic women by English language use at home from population-based, random-digit-dialed California Tobacco Surveys in 1996 (n = 1406, 74% response rate [RR]); 1999 (n = 1379, 69% RR), and 2002 (n = 2912, 64% RR). RESULTS: Current smoking prevalence was at least twice as high among those who speak mostly English compared to those who speak mostly another language in every survey year (1996: 14.7% vs 6.1%; 1999: 14.6% vs 6.1%; 2002: 11.7% vs 4.9%) with the ratio staying constant (2.4:1). There was a decline in current nondaily smoking among those who speak mostly English by 2002 (1996 and 1999 prevalence: approximately 6%, 2002: approximately 4%), but no declines in current daily smoking for either language-use group. CONCLUSIONS: There has been no reduction in the English-language-use gap in smoking among Hispanic women in California. There has been a significant decline in current nondaily smoking prevalence among women who speak mostly English, but no significant reduction in current daily smoking for either language-use group. It appears that not much progress has been made in California in reducing daily smoking prevalence among Hispanic women at the population level. Smoking prevention and cessation efforts among Hispanic women remain a priority.

Acculturation↗

Cigarette promotional offers: who takes advantage?

BACKGROUND: Promotional offers on cigarettes (e.g., dollar-off, multipack discounts) composed the largest share of tobacco industry marketing expenditures, totaling $8.9 billion, or 72% of the total budget in 2002. Internal industry documents indicate that young adults, potential quitters, and other price-sensitive groups are the targets of these marketing tactics. How effective they are in actually reaching these groups in the general population of smokers has not yet been investigated. METHODS: Data were from 4618 current smokers responding to the large, random-digit-dialed population-based 2002 California Tobacco Survey. The characteristics were identified of smokers who reported that they used these offers "every time I see one." RESULTS: Thirty-five percent of smokers used promotional offers every time they saw one. Multivariate analyses identified young adults, women, African Americans, those with higher daily cigarette consumption, and those worried about cigarette costs as more likely to use promotional offers at every opportunity. Smokers most committed to quitting were no more likely to use promotional offers than those with no intention to quit. Cigarette brand was highly correlated with age and race/ethnicity, and therefore was not included in the multivariate analysis. Those who smoked menthol cigarettes and Camels, more often young adults and African Americans, were much more likely than those of other brands to use promotional offers. CONCLUSIONS: With the exception of smokers intending to quit, cigarette promotional offers are effectively reaching most industry-targeted groups. Importantly, young adults, who have the greatest long-term customer potential, are responding.

Adolescent↗

Adolescents' perceptions about quitting and nicotine replacement therapy: findings from the California Tobacco Survey.

We collected data from 5,857 adolescent (12-17 y) respondents in California to assess their perception about quitting smoking and nicotine replacement therapy use. In multivariate models, never smokers were less likely than established or experimenter smokers to believe that if they were to smoke they could quit anytime but were more likely to believe that nicotine replacement therapy is a sure way to quit.

Adolescent↗

What contributed to the major decline in per capita cigarette consumption during California's comprehensive tobacco control programme?

OBJECTIVES: California experienced a notable decline in per capita cigarette consumption during its comprehensive tobacco control programme. This study examines what proportion of the decline occurred from: (1) fewer ever smokers in the population, (2) more ever smokers quitting, and (3) current smokers smoking less. DESIGN, SUBJECTS: Per capita cigarette consumption computed from cigarette sales and from adult respondents to the large, cross-sectional, population-based California Tobacco Surveys of 1990 (n = 24,296), 1996 (n = 18,616) and 2002 (n = 20,525) were examined for similar trends. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Changes (period 1: 1990-1996; period 2: 1996-2002) in per capita cigarette consumption from self-reported survey data were partitioned for the entire population and for demographic subgroups into the three components mentioned above. RESULTS: In periods 1 and 2, most of the decline in per capita cigarette consumption for the population as a whole was from current smokers smoking less followed by a reduction in ever smokers. The decline from smokers smoking less was particularly evident among young adults (18-29 years) in period 1. While the portion of the decline due to quitting in the entire population in period 1 was negligible, in period 2 it accounted for 22% of the total per capita decline. The decline from quitting in period 2 was mostly observed among women. CONCLUSIONS: Rather than near-term benefits from smokers quitting, population health benefits from reduced per capita cigarette consumption will likely occur over the longer term from fewer people becoming ever smokers, and more less-addicted smokers eventually quitting successfully.

Adolescent↗

How do smokers control their cigarette expenditures?

When faced with high cigarette prices, smokers can potentially control cigarette expenditures by limiting consumption or seeking cheaper cigarettes. The present study examined both these options and whether the use of price-minimizing strategies (the second option) could counteract a further price increase without smokers having to reduce consumption. Data for 5,109 smokers who purchased manufactured cigarettes were from the 2002 cross-sectional, population-based, random-digit-dialed California Tobacco Survey. We used logistic regression to examine which smokers used consumption-limiting or price-minimizing strategies, and multiple linear regression to determine how much price-minimizing strategies reduced the average price paid per pack. Overall, 32.3% of California smokers said they limited consumption and 74.1% used at least one of the five price-minimizing strategies identified: choosing cheaper retail outlets (61.1%), using promotional offers (35.2%), choosing cheaper brands (28.7%), purchasing by the carton (27.7%), and using low-tax or nontaxed sources (6.3%). Different groups of smokers used different strategies. Except for the use of promotional offers, all price-minimizing strategies significantly reduced the price paid per pack. Carton purchasers saved 1.01 US dollars/pack, and those buying from low-tax or nontaxed sources saved 1.23 US dollars/pack. However, pack buyers were reluctant to purchase cartons, mostly because they thought they might smoke too much, or because they considered the upfront cost unaffordable. The average California smoker could potentially save 0.33-0.66 US dollars/pack or 6.00-12.00 US dollars/month by using other price-minimizing strategies. Reducing consumption by 3 cigarettes/day could save a smoker 18.00 US dollars/month. Whereas price-minimizing strategies appeared to save money, cutting consumption could save even more. Thus further substantial tax increases would likely have the desired effect.

Adult↗

Why does adult African-American smoking prevalence in California remain higher than for non-Hispanic whites?

OBJECTIVES: To explain why, contrary to national trends, adult California African-American (AA) smoking prevalence remains higher than for non-Hispanic Whites (W) and to explore how future rates might change. METHODS: Data from the random-digit-dialed California Tobacco Surveys from 1990 to 2002 (N=16,000-21,000) allowed for the examination of differences in current smoking prevalence, ever smoking (uptake), and successful smoking cessation over time by race/ethnicity and age group. RESULTS: African-American (AA) adolescent (12-17 years) smoking prevalence was lower than Ws through 1996, but similar thereafter because of marked declines for Ws. After 1990, AA young adult (18-29 years) smoking prevalence was consistently 25% lower than Ws', and no evidence of delayed AA smoking initiation was seen. However, among older age groups (30-44 years and 45+ years), AA smoking prevalence was much higher, yielding higher overall adult (18+ years) prevalence. While ever smoking (uptake) was generally lower among AAs, successful cessation (5+ years) was much lower among AA adults, especially older age groups. CONCLUSIONS: Continued higher adult California AA smoking prevalence results from less successful quitting in older age groups. Increased successful cessation is critical for reducing near-term prevalence. Long-term forecasting is difficult because both AA and W adolescents now smoke at comparably low rates.

Adolescent↗

Changes in youth smoking participation in California in the 1990s.

OBJECTIVE: To identify which key transitions in the adolescent smoking uptake process changed during periods of increasing and decreasing adolescent smoking participation in California. METHODS: Age groups (12-14 and 15-17 years) from longitudinal surveys of California adolescents, conducted in 1993-1996 (prevalence increasing) and in 1996-1999 (prevalence declining), allowed comparisons of transition rates across these periods for: never smokers (committed and susceptible) to any smoking, experimenters to established smokers, and current established smokers to former smokers (15-17-year-olds only). Analyses adjusted for demographics and other baseline environmental influences on adolescents to smoke, with a variable for 'time period' included to test for differential period transition rates. RESULTS: Adjusted analyses indicated a time period effect (1993-1996 versus 1996-1999) on all transitions examined for 12-14-year-olds. For 15-17-year-olds, the time period effect was significant for the transition from committed never smoker to any smoking, but only marginally significant for experimenter to established smoker and from current established to former smoker. CONCLUSION: Adolescent smoking participation appeared to decline at all phases in the smoking uptake process, with generally larger declines in younger adolescents. Intensified public health measures to curb adolescent smoking beginning in the mid 1990s may have been responsible.

Adolescent↗

Does tobacco marketing undermine the influence of recommended parenting in discouraging adolescents from smoking?

OBJECTIVE: The tobacco industry contends that parenting practices, not marketing practices, are critical to youth smoking. Our objective was to examine whether tobacco-industry marketing practices undermine the protective effect of recommended authoritative parenting against adolescent smoking. DESIGN AND SETTING: Receptivity to tobacco advertising and promotions was assessed in 1996 from a representative sample of California adolescent never-smokers aged 12 to 14 years. A follow-up survey of 1641 of these adolescents was conducted in 1999 that included measures of the key components of authoritative parenting: parental responsiveness, monitoring, and limit setting. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE: Smoking initiation in adolescents. RESULTS: Adolescents in families with more-authoritative parents were half as likely to smoke by follow-up as adolescents in families with less-authoritative parents (20% vs 41%, p <0.0001). In families with more-authoritative parents, adolescents who were highly receptive to tobacco-industry advertising and promotions were significantly more likely to smoke (odds ratio=3.52, 95% confidence interval =1.10-11.23), compared to those who were minimally receptive. This effect was not significant in adolescents in families with less-authoritative parents. The overall attributable risk (adjusted for exposure to peer smokers) of smoking from tobacco-industry advertising and promotions was 25%. However, an estimated 40% of adolescent smoking in families with more-authoritative parents was attributable to tobacco-industry advertising and promotions; this was five times the attributable risk seen in families with less-authoritative parents (8%). CONCLUSION: The promotion of smoking by the tobacco industry appears to undermine the capability of authoritative parenting to prevent adolescents from starting to smoke.

Adolescent↗

Does tobacco industry marketing of 'light' cigarettes give smokers a rationale for postponing quitting?

The objective of this analysis was to examine further whether tobacco industry marketing using the labels light and ultra-light is perceived by smokers as a health claim. Smokers might view low tar/nicotine brands of cigarettes as a means to reduce the harm to their health from smoking and postpone quitting. Data were from smokers responding to a large, population-based survey of Californians' smoking behavior, conducted in 1996 (8,582 current smokers). Sixty percent of smokers thought the labels light and ultra-light referred to low tar/nicotine cigarettes, or otherwise implied a health claim. This percentage was higher for smokers of low tar/nicotine brands. Among smokers of regular brands, the more highly addicted, those who were trying unsuccessfully to quit, those who had cut consumption or thought about it, and those with health concerns were more likely to have considered switching. While some of these characteristics also were associated with smokers of low tar/nicotine brands, the associations were not as numerous or as strong. We conclude that some smokers appear to view low tar/nicotine brands as one short-term strategy to reduce the harm to their health from smoking without quitting. By implying reduced tar or nicotine exposure, tobacco industry marketing using the labels light and ultra-light is misleading smokers. The use of such labels should be regulated.

Adolescent↗

Facilitating adolescent smoking: who provides the cigarettes?

PURPOSE: Most adolescent smokers obtain cigarettes through social sources. We examine the extent to which cigarettes are provided by facilitators of legal age to purchase cigarettes. DESIGN: Analyses of data from the 1999 California Tobacco Survey, a large population-based, random-digit-dialed telephone survey, are reported. SETTING: California. SUBJECTS: Data were from a subset of 1239 adolescent (12-17 years) respondents who reported ever having smoked a cigarette. The response rate for all adolescents selected for interview was 75.5%. MEASURES: We describe cigarette providers to adolescents in social (cigarettes given to the adolescent) and economic (someone else buys cigarettes for the adolescent) transactions by the reported facilitator's age. RESULTS: Of the 82.2% +/- 2.6% of adolescents who had ever smoked who usually obtained cigarettes from others, 21.6% +/- 2.5% used economic transactions; most (60.6% +/- 3.4%) were given cigarettes. The majority (73.3% +/- 3.6%) of those relying on social sources were given cigarettes by someone < 18 years of age; very few were given cigarettes by someone 21+ years old. Most (90.4% +/- 2.0%) usually given cigarettes reported friends as facilitators. Of those who relied on economic transactions, 56.1% +/- 6.6% reported facilitators who were 18- to 20-year-olds, another 24.7% +/- 6.3% had suppliers > or = 21 years of age. Altogether, 80.8% +/- 5.8% of facilitators in economic transactions were > or = 18 years of age. CONCLUSIONS: Until peer approval of smoking and sharing cigarettes and adult facilitation of adolescent smoking is reduced, it will be difficult to significantly reduce adolescents' access to cigarettes.

Adolescent↗