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S Woolhandler

Publications and source records attributed to S Woolhandler.

At least 37 records · Page 2Linked to original sources
PubMed1994

Inappropriate drug prescribing for the community-dwelling elderly.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the amount of inappropriate drug prescribing for Americans aged 65 years or older living in the community. DESIGN: Cross-sectional survey of a national probability sample of older adults. SETTING: The 1987 National Medical Expenditure Survey, a national probability sample of the US civilian noninstitutionalized population, with oversampling of some population groups, including the elderly. SUBJECTS: The 6171 people aged 65 years or older in the National Medical Expenditure Survey sample, using appropriate weighting procedures to produce national estimates. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Incidence of prescribing 20 potentially inappropriate drugs, using explicit criteria previously developed by 13 United States and Canadian geriatrics experts through a modified Delphi consensus technique. Three cardiovascular drugs identified as potentially inappropriate were analyzed separately since they may be considered appropriate for some noninstitutionalized elderly patients. RESULTS: A total of 23.5% (95% confidence interval [CI], 22.4% to 24.6%) of people aged 65 years or older living in the community, or 6.64 million Americans (95% CI, 6.28 million to 7.00 million), received at least one of the 20 contraindicated drugs. While 79.6% (95% CI, 77.2% to 82.0%) of people receiving potentially inappropriate medications received only one such drug, 20.4% received two or more. The most commonly prescribed of these drugs were dipyridamole, propoxyphene, amitriptyline, chlorpropamide, diazepam, indomethacin, and chlordiazepoxide, each used by at least half a million people aged 65 years or older. Including the three controversial cardiovascular agents (propranolol, methyldopa, and reserpine) in the list of contraindicated drugs increased the incidence of probably inappropriate medication use to 32% (95% CI, 30.7% to 33.3%), or 9.04 million people (95% CI, 8.64 million to 9.44 million). CONCLUSION: Physicians prescribe potentially inappropriate medications for nearly a quarter of all older people living in the community, placing them at risk of drug adverse effects such as cognitive impairment and sedation. Although most previous strategies for improving drug prescribing for the elderly have focused on nursing homes, broader educational and regulatory initiatives are needed.

Aged↗
PubMed1994

Clinton's health plan: Prudential's choice.

President Clinton has proposed a managed competition model for health care reform. This strategy would accelerate the corporatization of U.S. health care resulting in more bureaucracy, less patient choice, and a health system owned by a few insurance giants. There is no evidence that competition or other central features of Clinton's plan can lower costs or improve quality. Because cost containment is doubtful, the promised expansion of coverage is unlikely to be implemented.

Competitive Medical Plans↗
PubMed1994

Health care paper chase, 1993: the cost to the nation, the states, and the District of Columbia.

The U.S. health care payment system is an elaborate and increasingly wasteful paper chase. This article presents new state-by-state estimates of health care administrative costs in the United States, and savings that could be realized with single-payer reform. In 1993, health care bureaucracy will consume 24.7 cents of every health care dollar, a total of $232.3 billion. Administration's share of health spending is up from 23.9 percent in 1987, and from 21.9 percent in 1983. Reducing the cost of administration to Canadian levels by adopting a single-payer health care system would cut U.S. health care bureaucracy by more than half (50.7 percent), saving at least $117.7 billion in 1993. The savings achievable with a single-payer system could fund universal access for the uninsured and improve benefits for the tens of millions of Americans who currently have only partial coverage, without any increase in overall health spending. Reform measures such as electronic billing, insurance industry consolidation, and increased competition (including "managed competition") would save little or nothing on administration. Only a single-payer reform that incorporates the "macro-management" approach to cost control, as in Canada, can achieve significant administrative savings.

Cost Savings↗
PubMed1993

Administrative costs in U.S. hospitals.

BACKGROUND: Previous estimates of administrative costs in U.S. hospitals have been based on figures for California, and nationwide extrapolation has been controversial. If the costs of bureaucracy are high, major policy reforms may yield substantial savings. METHODS: We obtained detailed data on hospital expenses for fiscal year 1990 from reports submitted to Medicare by 6400 hospitals. We calculated each hospital's administrative costs by summing expenses in the following Medicare cost-accounting categories: administrative and general, nursing administration, central services and supply (excluding the purchase cost of supplies), medical records and library, utilization review, and the salary costs of the employee benefits department. We classified costs in most other categories as clinical. Some small categories of expenses (e.g., gift shop) were excluded from both our clinical and administrative groupings, and for others (e.g., plant operations), a proportional share was allocated between the two groupings. RESULTS: Nationwide, administration accounted for an average of 24.8 percent of each hospital's spending in fiscal 1990. Average hospital administrative costs ranged from 20.5 percent in Minnesota to 30.6 percent in Hawaii. Administrative salaries accounted for 22.4 percent of the average hospital's salary costs. Administrative costs were similar in states with high and low rates of enrollment in health maintenance organizations (HMOs). CONCLUSIONS: Hospital administrative costs in the United States are higher than previous estimates and more than twice as high as those in Canada. Greater enrollment in HMOs, with more competitive bidding by hospitals for managed-care contracts, an important element of proposed managed-competition health care reforms, does not seem to lower hospital administrative costs.

Costs and Cost Analysis↗
PubMed1993

Questions and answers about managed competition.

The Managed Competition strategy for health care financing reform would push most people into cut-rate versions of health maintenance organizations chosen for them by their employer and owned by an insurance company. Many of those who currently enjoy good coverage would be forced into bare bones plans, and would forfeit the right to choose their health care provider. There is little evidence that the rigidly multi-tiered system created by Managed Competition would be more efficient or less expensive than the current U.S. system, and administrative costs would likely rise. Promises to expand coverage for the uninsured are likely to fall by the wayside if cost containment fails, and no current Managed Competition proposals address long-term care. In rural areas including at least 30 percent of the U.S. population, price competition central to the Managed Competition strategy is untenable since a long hospital or other provider cannot compete with itself. Managed Competition would empower vertically integrated corporate health care insurer/providers and disempower patients and the clinical work force.

Competitive Medical Plans↗
PubMed1993

High noon for U.S. health care reform.

A growing popular movement besieges a health policy status quo near financial as well as moral bankruptcy. A single-payer, Canadian-style national health program would assure universal, egalitarian coverage; democratic, rather than corporate, control of key policy choices; financing based on ability to pay; and cost controls that spare needed care as well as health workers' standard of living. Despite a misinformation campaign (generously funded by insurance and pharmaceutical firms) that slanders the Canadian experience, most Americans favor a national health program. The public health community should fight for no less.

Canada↗
PubMed1992

The vanishing health care safety net: new data on uninsured Americans.

New data obtained from the Census Bureau shows that the number of Americans without any health insurance increased by 1.3 million between 1989 and 1990, bringing the total number of uninsured to 34.7 million, more than at any time since the passage of Medicare and Medicaid 25 years ago. This increase coincided with a 10.5 percent increase in health spending, the second largest in the past three decades. The number of people covered by Medicaid grew by 3.1 million, due to a one-time expansion of eligibility mandated by Congress, but this was more than counter-balanced by a population growth of 3 million and a decrease of 1.3 million in people covered by private insurance. Had Medicaid not been expanded, the number of uninsured would have increased by 4.4 million. The increase in the uninsured affected virtually all parts of the nation. Seven states had increases of more than 100,000 persons each. Only Texas experienced a decrease of that magnitude, but still had the second highest rate of uninsurance of any state. Of the 1.3 million additional uninsured in 1990, 77 percent were male, 32 percent had family incomes in excess of $50,000 per year, and 74 percent had annual family incomes above $25,000. Fewer than 9 percent had incomes below the poverty line. The numbers of uninsured children and senior citizens fell slightly (but not significantly), while the number of uninsured working-age adults rose by 1.4 million. The number of uninsured workers in each of four of 20 major industry groups increased by more than 100,000 in 1990. None of the industry groups showed a significant decline in the number of uninsured. Among professionals, there were substantial numbers of uninsured doctors, engineers, teachers, college professors, clergy, and others, but all legislators and judges were insured. The data presented here largely predate the recession and understate current problems. In 1991 the number of uninsured will likely reach nearly 40 million. Also, these estimates are based on the number of people uninsured at a single time during 1990; a far higher number were temporarily uninsured at some point during the year. Moreover the Census Bureau survey ignores the problem of the underinsurance of at least 50 million insured Americans. Patchwork public programs are grossly inadequate to plug the holes. A national health program covering all Americans could assure access to care and contain costs.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1991

A national long-term care program for the United States. A caring vision. The Working Group on Long-term Care Program Design, Physicians for a National Health Program.

The financing and delivery of long-term care (LTC) need substantial reform. Many cannot afford essential services; age restrictions often arbitrarily limit access for the nonelderly, although more than a third of those needing care are under 65 years old; Medicaid, the principal third-party payer for LTC, is biased toward nursing home care and discourages independent living; informal care provided by relatives and friends, the only assistance used by 70% of those needing LTC, is neither supported nor encouraged; and insurance coverage often excludes critically important services that fall outside narrow definitions of medically necessary care. We describe an LTC program designed as an integral component of the national health program advanced by Physicians for a National Health Program. Everyone would be covered for all medically and socially necessary services under a single public plan, federally mandated and funded but administered locally. An LTC payment board in each state would contract directly with providers through a network of local public agencies responsible for eligibility determination and care coordination. Nursing homes, home care agencies, and other institutional providers would be paid a global budget to cover all operating costs and would not bill on a per-patient basis. Alternatively, integrated provider organizations could receive a capitation fee to cover a broad range of LTC and acute care services. Individual practitioners could continue to be paid on a fee-for-service basis or could receive salaries from institutional providers. Support for innovation, training of LTC personnel, and monitoring of the quality of care would be greatly augmented. For-profit providers would be compensated for past investments and phased out. Our program would add between $18 billion and $23.5 billion annually to current spending on LTC. Polls indicate that a majority of Americans want such a program and are willing to pay earmarked taxes to support it.

Aged↗
PubMed1991

Who cares for the care givers? Lack of health insurance among health and insurance personnel.

OBJECTIVE: --To analyze the health insurance status of physicians, other health personnel, and insurance industry personnel. DESIGN: --The study was based on data collected by the US Bureau of the Census in the March 1991 Current Population Survey for six groups of workers in health care occupations and three classifications of insurance employees. This survey included 6182 civilian health personnel and 1498 insurance workers under the age of 65 years. RESULTS: --Of civilian health personnel under the age of 65 years, 9% (90% confidence interval [CI], 8.2% to 9.8%) are uninsured, equivalent to 834,000 persons, including 15,000 (90% CI, 5000 to 25,000) physicians. Among insurance workers, 5.1% (90% CI, 3.9% to 6.2%) are uninsured. While 6% (90% CI, 4.2% to 7.9%) of those working in physicians' offices are uninsured, 52.2% (90% CI, 48.2% to 56.3%) receive no employer contribution toward their coverage. More than a fifth of nursing home employees lack insurance coverage, as do nearly a quarter of the 1.868 million health care workers with annual incomes less than $10,000. CONCLUSION: --Nearly a million health care and insurance workers are themselves uninsured and at high risk for being unable to obtain needed care.

Health Workforce↗
PubMed1991

Liberal benefits, conservative spending. The Physicians for a National Health Program proposal.

The Physicians for a National Health Program proposes to cover all Americans under a single, comprehensive public insurance program without copayments or deductibles and with free choice of provider. Such a national health program could reap tens of billions dollars in administrative savings in the initial years, enough to fund generous increases in health care services not only for the uninsured, but for the underinsured as well. We delineate a transitional national health program budget that would hold overall health spending at current levels while accommodating increases in hospital and physician utilization. Future national health program spending would be indexed to the growth in gross national product adjusted for demographic, epidemiologic, and technologic shifts. Financing for the national health program would transfer funds into the public program without disrupting the general pattern of current revenue sources. We suggest a funding package that would augment existing government health spending with earmarked health care taxes. Because these new taxes would replace employer-employee insurance premiums and substantial portions of current out-of-pocket expenditures, they would not increase health costs for the average American.

Budgets↗
PubMed1991

The deteriorating administrative efficiency of the U.S. health care system.

BACKGROUND AND METHODS: In 1983 the proportion of health care expenditures consumed by administration in the United States was 60 percent higher than in Canada and 97 percent higher than in Britain. To assess the effects of recent health policy initiatives on the administrative efficiency of health care, we examined four components of administrative costs in the United States and Canada for 1987: insurance overhead, hospital administration, nursing home administration, and physicians' billing and overhead expenses. Most data were provided by the two nations' federal health and statistics agencies, supplemented by state and provincial data and published sources. Because data on physicians' billing costs were limited, we estimated a range for these costs by two methods that rely on different sources of data. All figures are reported in 1987 U.S. dollars. RESULTS: In 1987 health care administration cost between $96.8 billion and $120.4 billion in the United States, amounting to 19.3 to 24.1 percent of total spending on health care, or $400 to $497 per capita. In Canada, between 8.4 and 11.1 percent of health care spending ($117 to $156 per capita) was devoted to administration. Administrative costs in the United States increased 37 percent in real dollars between 1983 and 1987, whereas in Canada they declined. The proportion of health care spending consumed by administration is now at least 117 percent higher in the United States than in Canada and accounts for about half the total difference in health care spending between the two nations. If health care administration in the United States had been as efficient as in Canada, $69.0 billion to $83.2 billion would have been saved in 1987. CONCLUSIONS: The administrative structure of the U.S. health care system is increasingly inefficient as compared with that of Canada's national health program. Recent health policies with the avowed goal of improving the efficiency of care have imposed substantial new bureaucratic costs and burdens.

Canada↗