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Shari R Baum

Publications and source records attributed to Shari R Baum.

11 recordsLinked to original sources

An electrophysiological study of mood, modal context, and anaphora.

We investigated whether modal information elicited empirical effects with regard to discourse processing. That is, like tense information, one of the linguistic factors shown to be relevant in organizing a discourse representation is modality, where the mood of an utterance indicates whether or not it is asserted. Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used in order to address the question of the qualitative nature of discourse processing, as well as the time course of this process. This experiment investigated pronoun resolution in two-sentence discourses, where context sentences either contained a hypothetical or actual Noun Phrase antecedent. The other factor in this 2x2 experiment was type of continuation sentence, which included or excluded a modal auxiliary (e.g., must, should) and contained a pronoun. Intuitions suggest that hypothetical antecedents followed by pronouns asserted to exist present ungrammaticality, unlike actual antecedents followed by such pronouns. Results confirmed the grammatical intuition that the former discourse displays anomaly, unlike the latter (control) discourse. That is, at the Verb position in continuation sentences, we found frontal positivity, consistent with the family of P600 components, and not an N400 effect, which suggests that the anomalous target sentences caused a revision in discourse structure. Furthermore, sentences exhibiting modal information resulted in negative-going waveforms at other points in the continuation sentence, indicating that modality affects the overall structural complexity of discourse representation.

Adolescent↗

Neural substrates of linguistic prosody: evidence from syntactic disambiguation in the productions of brain-damaged patients.

The present investigation focussed on the neural substrates underlying linguistic distinctions that are signalled by prosodic cues. A production experiment was conducted to examine the ability of left- (LHD) and right- (RHD) hemisphere-damaged patients and normal controls to use temporal and fundamental frequency cues to disambiguate sentences which include one or more Intonational Phrase level prosodic boundaries. Acoustic analyses of subjects' productions of three sentence types-parentheticals, appositives, and tags-showed that LHD speakers, compared to RHD and normal controls, exhibited impairments in the control of temporal parameters signalling phrase boundaries, including inconsistent patterns of pre-boundary lengthening and longer-than-normal pause durations in non-boundary positions. Somewhat surprisingly, a perception test presented to a group of normal native listeners showed listeners experienced greatest difficulty in identifying the presence or absence of boundaries in the productions of the RHD speakers. The findings support a cue lateralization hypothesis in which prosodic domain plays an important role.

Aged↗

Electropalatographic, acoustic, and perceptual data on adaptation to a palatal perturbation.

Exploring the compensatory responses of the speech production system to perturbation has provided valuable insights into speech motor control. The present experiment was conducted to examine compensation for one such perturbation-a palatal perturbation in the production of the fricative /s/. Subjects wore a specially designed electropalatographic (EPG) appliance with a buildup of acrylic over the alveolar ridge as well as a normal EPG palate. In this way, compensatory tongue positioning could be assessed during a period of target specific and intense practice and compared to nonperturbed conditions. Electropalatographic, acoustic, and perceptual analyses of productions of /asa/ elicited from nine speakers over the course of a one-hour practice period were conducted. Acoustic and perceptual results confirmed earlier findings, which showed improvement in production with a thick artificial palate in place over the practice period; the EPG data showed overall increased maximum contact as well as increased medial and posterior contact for speakers with the thick palate in place, but little change over time. Negative aftereffects were observed in the productions with the thin palate, indicating recalibration of sensorimotor processes in the face of the oral-articulatory perturbation. Findings are discussed with regard to the nature of adaptive articulatory skills.

Adult↗

Hemispheric contributions to lexical ambiguity resolution in a discourse context: evidence from individuals with unilateral left and right hemisphere lesions.

In the present study, a cross-modal semantic priming task was used to investigate the ability of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) nonfluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) control subjects to use a discourse context to resolve lexically ambiguous words. Subjects first heard four-sentence discourse passages ending in ambiguous words and after an inter-stimulus interval (ISI) of either 0 or 750 ms, made lexical decisions on first- or second-meaning related visual targets. NBD control subjects, at the 0 ms ISI, only activated contextually appropriate meanings, though significant effects, as a group, were only seen in second-meaning biased contexts. Surprisingly, at the 750 ms ISI, these subjects activated both appropriate and inappropriate meanings in first-meaning biased contexts. With respect to the LHD nonfluent aphasic patients, the majority activated first meanings regardless of context at the 0 ms ISI, though effects for the group were not significant. At the 750 ms ISI, these patients again activated first meanings regardless of context, with significant effects for the group only seen in first-meaning biased contexts. With regard to the RHD patients, the majority activated second meanings regardless of context at the 0 ms ISI and first meanings regardless of context at the 750 ms ISI, though, as a group, the effects were not significant. In light of our previous findings (Grindrod & Baum, 2003, submitted), the present data are interpreted as supporting the notion that damage to the left hemisphere disrupts either lexical access processes or the time course of lexical activation, whereas damage to the right hemisphere impairs the use of context and leads to activation of ambiguous word meanings based on meaning frequency.

Adult↗

Processing homonymy and polysemy: effects of sentential context and time-course following unilateral brain damage.

The present study investigated the abilities of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) non-fluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD), and normal control individuals to access, in sentential biasing contexts, the multiple meanings of three types of ambiguous words, namely homonyms (e.g., "punch"), metonymies (e.g., "rabbit"), and metaphors (e.g., "star"). Furthermore, the predictions of the "suppression deficit" and "coarse semantic coding" hypotheses, which have been proposed to account for RH language function/dysfunction, were tested. Using an auditory semantic priming paradigm, ambiguous words were incorporated in dominant- or subordinate-biasing sentence-primes followed after a short (100 ms) or long (1,000 ms) interstimulus interval (ISI) by dominant-meaning-related, subordinate-meaning-related or unrelated target words. For all three types of ambiguous words, both the effects of context and ISI were obvious in the performance of normal control subjects, who showed multiple meaning activation at the short ISI, but eventually, at the long ISI, contextually appropriate meaning selection. Largely similar performance was exhibited by the LHD non-fluent aphasic patients as well. In contrast, RHD patients showed limited effects of context, and no effects of the time-course of processing. In addition, although homonymous and metonymous words showed similar patterns of activation (i.e., both meanings were activated at both ISIs), RHD patients had difficulties activating the subordinate meanings of metaphors, suggesting a selective problem with figurative meanings. Although the present findings do not provide strong support for either the "coarse semantic coding" or the "suppression deficit" hypotheses, they are viewed as being more consistent with the latter, according to which RH damage leads to deficits suppressing alternative meanings of ambiguous words that become incompatible with the context.

Aged↗

Unilateral brain damage effects on processing homonymous and polysemous words.

Using an auditory semantic priming paradigm, the present study investigated the abilities of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) non-fluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and normal control individuals to access, out of context, the multiple meanings of three types of ambiguous words, namely homonyms (e.g., "punch"), metonymies (e.g., "rabbit"), and metaphors (e.g., "star"). In addition, the study tested certain predictions of the "suppression deficit" and "coarse semantic coding" hypotheses that have been proposed to account for the linguistic deficits typically observed after RH damage. Homonymous, metonymous, and metaphorical words were used as primes followed after a short (100 ms) or a long (1000 ms) inter-stimulus interval (ISI) by dominant-meaning-related, subordinate-meaning-related or unrelated target words. No significant group effects were found, and for both ISIs, dominant- and subordinate-related targets were facilitated relative to unrelated control targets for the homonymy and metonymy conditions. In contrast, for the metaphor condition, only targets related to the dominant meaning were facilitated. These findings provide only partial support for the "suppression deficit" hypothesis and no support for the "coarse semantic coding" hypothesis (as interpreted herein) indicating that patients with focal LH or RH damage can access the multiple meanings of ambiguous words and exhibit processing abilities comparable to those of older normal control subjects, at least at the single-word level.

Adult↗

Sensitivity to local sentence context information in lexical ambiguity resolution: evidence from left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals.

Using a cross-modal semantic priming paradigm, the present study investigated the ability of left-hemisphere-damaged (LHD) nonfluent aphasic, right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) and non-brain-damaged (NBD) control subjects to use local sentence context information to resolve lexically ambiguous words. Critical sentences were manipulated such that they were either unbiased, or biased toward one of two meanings of sentence-final equibiased ambiguous words. Sentence primes were presented auditorily, followed after a short (0 ms) or long (750 ms) interstimulus interval (ISI) by the presentation of a first- or second-meaning related visual target, on which subjects made a lexical decision. At the short ISI, neither patient group appeared to be influenced by context, in sharp contrast to the performance of the NBD control subjects. LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects activated both meanings of ambiguous words regardless of context, whereas RHD subjects activated only the first meaning in unbiased and second-meaning biased contexts. At the long ISI, LHD nonfluent aphasic subjects failed to show evidence of activation of either meaning, while RHD individuals activated first meanings in unbiased contexts and contextually appropriate meanings in second-meaning biased contexts. These findings suggest that both left (LH) and right hemisphere (RH) damage lead to deficits in using local contextual information to complete the process of ambiguity resolution. LH damage seems to spare initial access to word meanings, but initially impairs the ability to use context and results in a faster than normal decay of lexical activation. RH damage appears to initially disrupt access to context, resulting in an over-reliance on frequency in the activation of ambiguous word meanings.

Aged↗

Sensitivity to prosodic structure in left- and right-hemisphere-damaged individuals.

An experiment was conducted in order to determine whether left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients exhibit sensitivity to prosodic information that is used in syntactic disambiguation. Following the work of, a cross-modal lexical decision task was performed by LHD and RHD subjects, as well as by adults without brain pathology (NC). Subjects listened to sentences with attachment ambiguities with either congruent or incongruent prosody, while performing a visual lexical decision task. Results showed that each of the unilaterally damaged populations differed from each other, as well as from the NCs in terms of sensitivity regarding prosodic cues. Specifically, the RHD group was insensitive to sentence prosody as a whole. This was in contrast to the LHD patients, who responded to the prosodic manipulation, but in the unexpected direction. Results are discussed in terms of current hypotheses regarding the hemispheric lateralization of prosodic cues.

Aged↗

Temporal parameters as cues to phrasal boundaries: a comparison of processing by left- and right-hemisphere brain-damaged individuals.

Two experiments were conducted to examine the ability of left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients and normal controls to use temporal cues in rendering phrase grouping decisions. The phrase "pink and black and green" was manipulated to signal a boundary after "pink" or after "black" by altering pre-boundary word durations and pause durations at the boundary in a stepwise fashion. Stimuli were presented to listeners auditorily along with a card with three alternative groupings of colored squares from which to select the presented alternative. Results revealed that normal controls were able to use both temporal cues to identify the intended grouping. In contrast, LHD patients required longer than normal pause durations to consistently identify the intended grouping, suggesting a higher than normal threshold for perception of temporal prosodic cues. Surprisingly, the RHD patients exhibited great difficulty with the task, perhaps due to the limited acoustic cues available in the stimuli.

Aged↗

Sensitivity to sub-syllabic constituents in brain-damaged patients: evidence from word games.

Two experiments were conducted to examine whether left- (LHD) and right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD) patients exhibit sensitivity to sub-syllabic constituents (i.e., onsets and codas) in the generation of nonwords, using a word games paradigm adapted from. Four groups of individuals (including LHD fluent and nonfluent aphasic patients, RHD patients and normal controls) were trained to add syllables to monosyllabic CVC nonwords either after the initial consonant (Experiment 1) or prior to the final consonant (Experiment 2) to create bisyllabic nonwords. Experimental stimuli consisting of CCVC or CVCC nonwords tested whether participants would preserve or split the onset and coda constituents in producing the novel bisyllabic nonwords. Results revealed that the majority of subjects demonstrated sensitivity to the sub-syllabic constituents, preserving the onsets and codas. The fluent aphasic patients exhibited a greater than normal tendency to split the onset and coda constituents; however, the small number of individuals in that group whose data met inclusion criteria limits the conclusions that may be drawn from these findings. The results are discussed in relation to theories of phonological deficits in aphasia.

Adolescent↗

Sentence context effects and the timecourse of lexical ambiguity resolution in nonfluent aphasia.

In the current neurolinguistic literature, two proposals have been put forth to account for the deficit in ambiguous word processing observed in nonfluent aphasic patients. One proposal maintains that these individuals are impaired in the selective access of ambiguous word meanings, while the other argues that they are impaired in the process of contextual selection. In the present study, nonfluent aphasic patients and elderly control subjects participated in a semantic priming experiment, in which ambiguous words were presented in different biasing contexts at both a 0- and 750-ms ISI. At both ISIs, control subjects showed context-selective access, in that only contextually appropriate meanings were activated. In contrast, at the 0-ms ISI, the nonfluent aphasic patients showed activation of both meanings of the ambiguous word regardless of context. Only at the 750-ms ISI did they exhibit context-selective access. These results are consistent with the proposal that left hemisphere damage causing nonfluent aphasia results in an impairment in rapidly integrating lexical-semantic information into context.

Aphasia, Broca↗