Biomedical subjects

Shirley A Murphy

Publications and source records attributed to Shirley A Murphy.

9 recordsLinked to original sources

PubMed2006

Methodological issues associated with group intervention research.

Interventions using a group format can be powerful treatment modalities. However, a review of nursing journals most likely to report the conduct of group research by nurses showed that less than 1% of nursing research reports used this approach and that none accounted for group-level effects in the analysis. This article discusses methodological issues inherent in group intervention research. We begin by offering examples of variables that can be incorporated into group research. We then present some challenges that researchers must address in collecting data when group formats are used. We end with recommendations for conducting group intervention research and by addressing issues associated with interpreting and reporting results.

Analysis of Variance↗

PubMed2004

First record: a methodological approach to counter sampling bias.

One goal of survey research is to optimize sampling procedures so that the collected data will produce accurate population estimates. In this context, sampling bias is a primary threat to a study's validity. If individuals who do not respond are a random sample of the population, then the estimates obtained from such a subsample are unbiased. However, as the percentage of nonrespondents increases, the assumption of unbiased estimation becomes increasingly tenuous. At this point an investigator has two choices: delete all subjects who have not provided data as part of the first data collection, or allow a respondent's point of entry to define his baseline measures for the study. No previous discussion of the latter option has been noted in the methods literature. Therefore the authors have termed this approach to baseline the "first record". Conditions under which the "first record" technique would be appropriate or inappropriate are discussed.

Bias↗

PubMed2003

The prevalence of PTSD following the violent death of a child and predictors of change 5 years later.

In this study, we examined the violent death bereavement trajectories of 173 parents by following them prospectively for 5 years after their children's deaths by accident, suicide, homicide, or undetermined causes. Using latent growth curve methodology, we examined how the initial level of PTSD and the rate of change over time were influenced by 9 predictors: the deceased children's causes of death, parents' gender, self-esteem, 3 coping strategies, perceived social support, concurrent levels of mental distress, and an intervention offered in early bereavement. Six of the nine factors predicted initial levels of PTSD; however, only parents' gender and perceived social support predicted change in PTSD over the 5-year time frame. Five years postdeath, 3 times as many study mothers (27.7%) met diagnostic criteria for PTSD and twice as many study fathers (12.5%) met diagnostic criteria for PTSD compared with the normative samples.

Adaptation, Psychological↗

PubMed2003

Bereaved parents' outcomes 4 to 60 months after their children's deaths by accident, suicide, or homicide: a comparative study demonstrating differences.

In this article, the authors revisit a controversial issue in the bereavement field: Does one violent cause of death of a child influence parents' outcomes more than another? To address this question, we observed 173 parents prospectively 4, 12, 24, and 60 months after their children's deaths by accident, suicide, or homicide. Quantitative and qualitative research methods were used to examine the influence of three types of a child's violent death and time since death upon 4 parent outcomes (mental distress, post-traumatic stress disorder [PTSD], acceptance of the child's death, and marital satisfaction). The results showed a significant interaction for the bereavement Group x Time effect for acceptance of death, a significant main effect for time for all four outcomes, and a significant main effect for group (homicide) for PTSD. Nearly 70% of the parents reported that it took either 3 or 4 years to put their children's death into perspective and continue with their own lives; however the child's cause of death did not significantly influence parents' sense of timing in this regard. Clinical and research implications of the findings are discussed.

Accidents↗

PubMed2003

Finding meaning in a child's violent death: a five-year prospective analysis of parents' personal narratives and empirical data.

Finding meaning in the death of a loved one is thought to be extremely traumatic when the circumstances surrounding the death is perceived to be due to negligence, is intentional, and when the deceased suffered extreme pain and bodily harm immediately prior to death. We addressed this assumption by obtaining personal narratives and empirical data from 138 parents 4, 12, 24, and 60 months after an adolescent's or young adult child's death by accident, suicide, or homicide. Using the Janoff-Bulman and Frantz's (1997) framework of meaning-as-comprehensibility and meaning-as-significance, the purposes were to identify the time course to find meaning, present parents' personal narratives describing finding meaning in their experiences, identify predictors of finding meaning, and compare parents who found meaning versus those who did not on five health and adjustment outcomes. The results showed that by 12 months post death, only 12% of the study sample had found meaning in a child's death. By 60 months post death, 57% of the parents had found meaning but 43% had not. Significant predictors of finding meaning 5 years post death were the use of religious coping and support group attendance. Parents who attended a bereavement support group were 4 times more likely to find meaning than parents who did not attend. Parents who found meaning in the deaths of their children reported significantly lower scores on mental distress, higher marital satisfaction, and better physical health than parents who were unable to find meaning. Recommendations for future research are made.

Adaptation, Psychological↗

PubMed2003

Challenging the myths about parents' adjustment after the sudden, violent death of a child.

PURPOSE: To examine three commonly held myths: (a) a child's death by suicide results in the worst parental outcomes compared with other causes of violent death, (b) divorce is not only more common among bereaved than nonbereaved married couples, it might be inevitable, and (c) "letting go and moving on" is an essential bereavement task needed for a satisfactory adjustment following the violent death of a child. DESIGN AND METHODS: Review of empirical evidence and critical reviews, review of Internet resources available to the general public, and the inclusion of original data obtained from a longitudinal, prospective study conducted by the authors. FINDINGS: Conclusive evidence was found to dispel two of the three myths, but sufficient evidence was not found to draw conclusions about the third myth regarding parents' adjustment to a child's suicidal death. CONCLUSIONS: Myths in regard to parental bereavement are resistant to disconfirming evidence and they appear to persist among professional practitioners and the general public despite contrary empirical evidence.

Accidents↗

PubMed2002

Patterns of mental distress following the violent death of a child and predictors of change over time.

We observed 173 parents bereaved by the violent death of an adolescent or young adult child. Data were collected 4, 12, 24, and 60 months postdeath. Using latent growth modeling, we examined how initial levels of mental distress and the rate of change over time are influenced by nine predictors: parents' gender, self-esteem, three coping strategies, perceived social support, negative life stressors, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms, and an intervention offered in the early bereavement period. The results support a multiple-risk and -protective factor model of loss accommodation. Parents' gender, self-esteem, and affective and repressive coping were predictive of changes in mental distress over time. Although parents' initial levels of PTSD were the best predictor of baseline mental distress, they did not predict reductions in distress 5 years later. Theoretical, empirical, and clinical implications are discussed.

Accidents↗

PubMed2002

Bereaved parents' use of individual, family, and community resources 4 to 60 months after a child's violent death.

We recruited a community-based sample of 261 parents bereaved by the violent deaths of their 12- to 28-year-old children. Parents were observed over time, and data were collected from several sources. The findings showed that of six individual, family, and community resources examined, none of the resources seemed to improve parents' outcomes either 1 or 5 years later. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Accidents↗

PubMedDate not supplied

Suicide ideation among parents bereaved by the violent deaths of their children.

Suicidal behaviors of parents bereaved by a child's suicide have received considerable attention by researchers, but deaths by other violent causes have not. We observed 175 bereaved parents for five years following three types of violent death: accidents, homicides, and suicides. The results showed that the incidence of suicidal ideation (SI) among the study parents was 13% (n = 34) over the 5 years and 9% (n = 24) at the initial data collection four months after the death of an adolescent or young adult child. Comparisons of study parents grouped by the presence or absence of SI showed that after corrections were made for the number of t-tests conducted, statistically significant differences on three of four outcome variables remained (mental distress, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder [PTSD], but not on acceptance of the child's death). The groups also differed significantly on four of seven mediating variables examined. The hypothesis that parents whose children died by suicide would report the highest incidence of suicidal ideation was not supported. Regression analyses showed that SI was a significant predictor of depression one year, but not five years, after the violent death of a child. The hypothesis that SI would predict both depression and PTSD one year postdeath was not supported. Clinical and policy recommendations are offered.

Accidents↗