Biomedical subjects

Tamara Y Swaab

Publications and source records attributed to Tamara Y Swaab.

10 recordsLinked to original sources

PubMed2007

The interplay of discourse congruence and lexical association during sentence processing: Evidence from ERPs and eye tracking.

Five experiments used ERPs and eye tracking to determine the interplay of word-level and discourse-level information during sentence processing. Subjects read sentences that were locally congruent but whose congruence with discourse context was manipulated. Furthermore, critical words in the local sentence were preceded by a prime word that was associated or not. Violations of discourse congruence had early and lingering effects on ERP and eye-tracking measures. This indicates that discourse representations have a rapid effect on lexical semantic processing even in locally congruous texts. In contrast, effects of association were more malleable: Very early effects of associative priming were only robust when the discourse context was absent or not cohesive. Together these results suggest that the global discourse model quickly influences lexical processing in sentences, and that spreading activation from associative priming does not contribute to natural reading in discourse contexts.

Journal Article↗

PubMed2006

Electrophysiological differentiation of phonological and semantic integration in word and sentence contexts.

During auditory language comprehension, listeners need to rapidly extract meaning from the continuous speech-stream. It is a matter of debate when and how contextual information constrains the activation of lexical representations in meaningful contexts. Electrophysiological studies of spoken language comprehension have identified an event-related potential (ERP) that was sensitive to phonological properties of speech, which was termed the phonological mismatch negativity (PMN). With the PMN, early lexical processing could potentially be distinguished from processes of semantic integration in spoken language comprehension. However, the sensitivity of the PMN to phonological processing per se has been questioned, and it has additionally been suggested that the "PMN" is not separable from the N400, an ERP that is sensitive to semantic aspects of the input. Here, we investigated whether or not a separable PMN exists and if it reflects purely phonological aspects of the speech input. In the present experiment, ERPs were recorded from healthy young adults (N=24) while they listened to sentences and word lists, in which we manipulated semantic and phonological expectation and congruency of the final word. ERPs sensitive to phonological processing were elicited only when phonological expectancy was violated in lists of words, but not during normal sentential processing. This suggests a differential role of phonological processing in more or less meaningful contexts and indicates a very early influence of the overall context on lexical processing in sentences.

Adult↗

PubMed2006

Processing new and repeated names: effects of coreference on repetition priming with speech and fast RSVP.

Previous research has shown that the process of establishing coreference with a repeated name can affect basic repetition priming. Specifically, repetition priming on some measures can be eliminated for repeated names that corefer with an entity that is prominent in the discourse model. However, the exact nature and timing of this modulating effect of discourse are not yet understood. Here, we present two ERP studies that further probe the nature of repeated name coreference by using naturally produced connected speech and fast-rate RSVP methods of presentation. With speech we found that repetition priming was eliminated for repeated names that coreferred with a prominent antecedent. In contrast, with fast-rate RSVP, we found a main effect of repetition that did not interact with sentence context. This indicates that the creation of a discourse model during comprehension can affect repetition priming, but the nature of this effect may depend on input speed.

Acoustic Stimulation↗

PubMed2006

Reading words in discourse: the modulation of lexical priming effects by message-level context.

Repetition and semantic-associative priming effects have been demonstrated for words in nonstructured contexts (i.e., word pairs or lists of words) in numerous behavioral and electrophysiological studies. The processing of a word has thus been shown to benefit from the prior presentation of an identical or associated word in the absence of a constraining context. An examination of such priming effects for words that are embedded within a meaningful discourse context provides information about the interaction of different levels of linguistic analysis. This article reviews behavioral and electrophysiological research that has examined the processing of repeated and associated words in sentence and discourse contexts. It provides examples of the ways in which eye tracking and event-related potentials might be used to further explore priming effects in discourse. The modulation of lexical priming effects by discourse factors suggests the interaction of information at different levels in online language comprehension.

Comprehension↗

PubMed2004

Separable effects of semantic priming and imageability on word processing in human cortex.

Understanding the neural representation of semantic concepts is at the core of understanding human knowledge and experience. Competing cognitive theories suggest that these neural representations are based on either a unitary semantic code or on multiple semantic codes. We contrasted these theories using event-related fMRI in a semantic priming study. Pairs of words were presented that were either semantically related or unrelated and were either high or low imageable. The unitary view predicts that there should be little or no difference between neural activity evoked by high and low imageable words when presented in a related context, but large differences in neural activity when there is an unrelated context. In contrast to this view, we provide evidence for functionally and anatomically separable effects of context and imageability in human cortex, suggesting that semantic knowledge consists of multiple representational codes.

Brain Mapping↗

PubMed2004

Gapping: Electrophysiological evidence for immediate processing of "missing" verbs in sentence comprehension.

In the present study we use event related potentials (ERPs) to explore the time course of identification and resolution of verb gaps. ERPs were recorded while participants read sentences that contained a verb gap like Ron took/sanded the planks, and Bill Ø the hammer... Plausibility of the critical words (hammer) that followed the verb gap was manipulated. Relative to the plausible control (preceded by took), ERPs to the critical word in the implausible condition (preceded by sanded) showed an N400, followed by a positivity (P600). ERPs to determiners following gapped verbs showed a negativity between 100 and 300 ms, and a positivity between 300 and 500 ms compared to determiners in non-gapping constructions. These results suggest that the sentence processor recognizes a verb gap and reconstructs the verb information at the earliest possible occasion, and that this reconstruction process is different from the reconstruction of antecedents in other filler-gap constructions (e.g., WH gaps).

Adolescent↗

PubMed2004

Electrophysiological evidence for reversed lexical repetition effects in language processing.

Effects of word repetition are extremely robust, but can these effects be modulated by discourse context? We examined this in an ERP experiment that tested coreferential processing (when two expressions refer to the same person) with repeated names. ERPs were measured to repeated names and pronoun controls in two conditions: (1) In the prominent condition the repeated name or pronoun coreferred with the subject of the preceding sentence and was therefore prominent in the preceding discourse (e.g., "John went to the store after John/he."); (2) in the nonprominent condition the repeated name or pronoun coreferred with a name that was embedded in a conjoined noun phrase, and was therefore nonprominent (e.g., "John and Mary went to the store after John/he."). Relative to the prominent condition, the nonprominent condition always contained two extra words (e.g., "and Mary"), and the repetition lag was therefore smaller in the prominent condition. Typically, effects of repetition are larger with smaller lags. Nevertheless, the amplitude of the N400 was reduced to a coreferentially repeated name when the antecedent was nonprominent as compared to when it was prominent. No such difference was observed for the pronoun controls. Because the N400 effect reflects difficulties in lexical integration, this shows that the difficulty of achieving coreference with a name increased with the prominence of the referent. This finding is the reverse of repetition lag effects on N400 previously found with word lists, and shows that language context can override general memory mechanisms.

Adolescent↗

PubMed2003

Repair, revision, and complexity in syntactic analysis: an electrophysiological differentiation.

One of the core aspects of human sentence processing is the ability to detect errors and to recover from erroneous analysis through revision of ambiguous sentences and repair of ungrammatical sentences. In the present study, we used event-related potentials (ERPs) to help identify the nature of these processes by directly comparing ERPs to complex ambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations, and to simpler unambiguous sentence structures with and without grammatical violations. In ambiguous sentences, preference of syntactic analysis was manipulated such that in one condition, the structures agreed with the preferred analysis, and in another condition, a nonpreferred but syntactically correct analysis (garden path) was imposed. Nonpreferred ambiguous structures require revision, whereas ungrammatical structures require repair. We found that distinct ERPs reflected different characteristics of syntactic processing. Specifically, our results are consistent with the idea that a positivity with a posterior distribution across the scalp (posterior P600) is an index of syntactic processing difficulty, including repair and revision, and that a frontally distributed positivity (frontal P600) is related to ambiguity resolution and/or to an increase in discourse level complexity.

Adolescent↗

PubMed2003

Electrophysiological evidence for serial sentence processing: a comparison between non-preferred and ungrammatical continuations.

Event-related potentials (ERPs) were used to address a much debated issue in sentence processing research, namely whether one or multiple interpretations are pursued in case of syntactic ambiguities. For example in the syntactically ambiguous fragment "The man is painting the house and the garage...", 'and' either connects 'the house' and 'the garage', or conjoins two clauses (e.g., "The man is painting the house and the garage is already finished"). According to serial models, only one syntactic interpretation (the simplest) is pursued first (the first interpretation in the example). If this interpretation is incompatible with subsequently incoming words, the syntactic analysis of the preceding sentence fragment is revised. In contrast, parallel models propose that multiple interpretations of the ambiguity are pursued simultaneously. The two models were tested by comparing ERPs to words that were either ungrammatical, or grammatical but non-preferred continuations of the preceding sentence fragment. In a serial model, these two are not distinguished until after initial revision; in a parallel model, a distinction can be made at an early stage. The results supported a serial model: both with an acceptability judgment and a passive reading task a left lateralized negativity was found for ungrammatical and non-preferred continuations relative to unambiguous grammatical continuations, which indicates that ungrammatical and non-preferred continuations were initially processed in the same way. However, in later time intervals, the ERPs to the ungrammatical continuation showed a posterior positivity (P600), whereas the ERPs to the non-preferred continuation had a more anterior focus, which indicates that they were processed differently.

Adolescent↗

PubMed2002

Separable effects of priming and imageability on word processing: an ERP study.

Concrete, highly imageable words (e.g. banana) are easier to understand than abstract words for which it is difficult to generate an image (e.g. justice). This effect of concreteness or imageability has been taken by some as evidence for the existence of separable verbal- and image-based semantic systems. Instead, however, effects of concreteness may result from better associations to relevant contextual representations for concrete than for abstract words within a single semantic system. In this study, target words of high and low imageability were preceded by supportive (related) or non-supportive (unrelated) context words. The influence of contextual support on the imageability effect was measured by recording event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to the high and low imageable target words in both context conditions. The topographic distributions of the ERPs elicited by the high versus low imageable target words were found to be different, and this effect was independent of contextual support. These data are consistent with the idea that distinct verbal- and image-based semantic codes exist for word representations, and that as a result, concrete words that are highly imageable can be understood more easily.

Adult↗