Tonal alignment in Irish dialects.

Abstract

A comparison of the contour alignment of nuclear and initial prenuclear accents was carried out for the Irish dialects of Gaoth Dobhair in Ulster (GD-U) and Cois Fharraige in Connaught (CF-C). This was done across conditions where the number of unstressed syllables following the nuclear and preceding the initial prenuclear accents was varied from 2-0. This tests a variable peak hypothesis prompted by findings for other languages, that peak timing drifts as a function of the number of syllables preceding (the prenuclear) and following (the nuclear) accent. These data also test a second hypothesis that the L*+H dominant accent of GD-U might be viewed as being underlyingly the same as the dominant H* or H*+L accent of the CF-C dialect. According to this realignment hypothesis, the difference between these Ulster and Connaught dialects lies in the way that the melodic tier is aligned to the segmental tier: GD-U would be viewed as having a delayed realization of the peak relative to the Connaught dialect. Results do not support the variable peak hypothesis for Irish, as in either dialect, the peak appeared to be rather fixed across the three conditions examined (though not necessarily identical for prenuclear and nuclear positions). The results also militate against the realignment hypothesis, which rather than providing a more simple unifying account, would greatly complicate it. One reason is that there is a peak timing difference between the nuclear and prenuclear accents of CF-C, not mirrored in GD-U. Furthermore, even if one were to limit consideration to a single (e.g., prenuclear) context, a simple realignment of the accents in one dialect does not generate the appropriate contour in the other.