Child development. Assessment in the community.
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The state of the art of definition of community violence as it relates to child development was examined in terms of the definitions used in 23 empirical studies. In all cases community violence was defined in terms of what were assumed to be measurements obtained as linear combinations of a priori numerical weighting of responses to questions--asked either of a child or of the parent of a child--about experiencing and/or witnessing and/or hearing about instances of violence. Thus, the definitions can be seen to represent the perspectives of 2 kinds of observers--the child or the child's parent--and 3 levels of closeness to violence--experiencing, witnessing, or hearing about violence. Combining these perspectives and levels, the following 8 different definitions could be seen to be used in the practice of 1 or more of the 23 empirical studies: Child Self-Report (perception) of either (1) experiencing, or (2) witnessing, or (3) experiencing and witnessing, and hearing about violence; or Parent Report (perception) of the Child (4) experiencing, or (5) witnessing, or (6) experiencing and witnessing and hearing about violence, or (7) = (1) + (4), or (8) = (3) + (6). In almost all the examples of research definitions it was assumed implicitly and without test of the assumption that different violent events were interchangeable, and usually it was assumed (again without test) that the magnitudes of different violence events were equal. Usually, an unstated theory of stress appeared to guide the measurement definition, but in one study definitions were developed and tested in terms of a clearly-stated theory of learning. It was concluded that definition of community violence is a measurement problem; that very likely it is multidimensional; that it could be more nearly solved if better attention were given to specifying it in terms of theory that can be put to test and by attending to basic assumptions and principles of measurement.
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In the week 3-9 March 1958, 98% of all births in England, Scotland and Wales (approximately 17,000) were studied in the Perinatal Mortality Survey. The follow-up of surviving children, known as the National Child Development Study, comprises four major sweeps at ages 7, 11, 16 and 23. Medical examinations were conducted at each age, except at 23 when health was self-reported. Details of the child's family background and socio-economic circumstances were recorded, together with assessments of their social development and educational attainment. Seventy-six per cent of the target population were interviewed at age 23. The health of subjects in the 1958 cohort has been described in over 200 publications but there is no comprehensive account of findings from birth to age 23. This overview attempts to redress this. As new data are gathered from the study subjects at age 33, opportunities will exist to investigate associations between childhood factors and health in midlife. Data on their partners and children will be included, allowing studies of inter-generational and family health. Further indications of changing illness patterns will be possible from comparisons with data collected on earlier and later born cohorts.
In a state with minimal child care standards, we found pervasive differences in third graders associated with earlier child care histories. More extensive child are predicted children receiving more negative ratings from parents and teachers, poorer academic and conduct grades, lower standardized test scores, and more negative sociometric nominations. In addition, for some variables (IQ, work habits negative peer nominations, and compliance ratings) there was evidence of interactive effects in which both extensive infant care and exclusive maternal care were associated with more problematical functioning, depending on parental marital status, social class, and child gender. We found no evidence of negative effects associated with part-time care. This study has several important limitations that should be acknowledged. The first is the danger of generalizing these results to states and communities with higher-quality child care standards than those imposed in Texas. They may, unfortunately, be generalizable to the twenty states with child care regulations similar to those in Texas. This study has another important limitation. It did not examine the underlying processes that might contribute to the effects of child care history. For example, we do not know if the differences in children who were in part-time versus extensive child care are owing to (1) differences in the children's experiences while they are in the child care settings, or (2) differences in the quality of interactions that occur when the two groups of children are at home, or (3) some combination of children's experiences in child care and the family.
A sample of 100 preschool-age children referred to a child development unit were evaluated using DSM-III criteria for symptoms of depression. Only four children (4%) received a diagnosis of possible or definite depression; one of the four children definitely had major depressive disorder. That prevalence rate is much lower than that reported for older children. The findings suggest either that major depressive disorder is rare among preschoolers or that DSM-III criteria are not suitable for diagnosing affective disorders among preschoolers.
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Children's temperament and gender, combined with type, quality, and amount of care, likely influence differences in development and should not be overlooked in studies of child care effects. Research is consistent with this view, although definitive studies have not been carried out. Most notable, children's stress responses to full-time, center-based child care differ, and these differences are associated with emotional tendencies that may precede their entry into care. Changes in full time, center-based child care are needed to reduce stress experienced by some children and their providers, using information about what is happening at home and in family day care settings, where typically cortisol-linked stress does not increase during the day, to guide efforts.
Personal pronoun confusion ("I/me" for "you" and "you" for "me/I") was studied longitudinally in the language of a highly imitative preschool child with normally developing language. The proportion of pronoun confusion was compared with proportion of imitative utterances and with level of linguistic complexity. Over a 5-month period, pronoun confusion decreased as imitation decreased and linguistic complexity increased. The developmental changes that occurred were qualitative as well as quantitative. Several categories of pronoun confusion were observed. These were similar to pronoun confusions reported in older language-disordered children. Pronoun confusion was related to (a) a tendency to imitate utterances of others, (b) early production of "you" as a productive linguistic form, and (c) a tendency to use a pronoun rather than a noun for self-reference. Clinical implications are presented.
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The editors of this special issue reflect on the current status and future directions of research on race, ethnicity, and culture in child development. Research in the special issue disentangles race, ethnicity, culture, and immigrant status, and identifies mediators of sociocultural variables on developmental outcomes. The special issue includes important research on normal development in context for ethnic and racial minority children, addresses racial and ethnic identity development, and considers intergroup processes. The methodological innovations as well as challenges of current research are highlighted. It is recommended that future research adhere to principles of cultural validity described in the text.
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This study presents the outcome of a 7-year psychotherapy of a girl who was born after donor insemination (DI) and who became ill with a compulsive disorder at the age of 8 years. Our demonstration supplements the present existing statistical data about families into which children have been born with the aid of DI. Aspects of child development, communication within the family, and family dynamics related to this specific constellation will be pointed out. This case study shows important aspects of the individual and the development of the family with regard to DI-constellations. Our paper emphasizes, in contrast to constellations of foster care or adoption, the impact on the parents' conscious knowledge and the child's unconscious knowledge of an absent--as well as less-known--family member (here: the invisible father) on the child's emotional development, health and competence of tying bonds. We also examine the relationship between the parents and their relationship with their DI child. Implications for individual therapy and therapeutic management of the family will be discussed, covering development of bonding and identity of the DI child, the father's role, dynamics of the couple, and the incognito of the 'invisible father'.
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