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Estimates of costs and effects of screening for colorectal cancer in the United States.

BACKGROUND: In many ways, colorectal cancer might be an excellent candidate for mass screening because of the following: (1) it is the second leading cause of cancer mortality in the United States; (2) it develops slowly from a precursor lesion; and (3) methods of early detection are available. Barriers to screening include unproven efficacy of the procedure and high costs. METHODS: Cost analyses are derived from two mathematic models that estimate screening costs and effects based on expert opinion and data from uncontrolled screening studies. RESULTS: One screening option that follows the guidelines of the American Cancer Society and the National Cancer Institute (annual testing for occult fecal blood and sigmoidoscopy every 5 years) could result in a 40% decrease in colon cancer mortality for American adults between the ages of 50 and 75 years if they comply with screening. This model, developed by David Eddy, projects an average of 44 days of extra life per person screened, at a net cost of $57 per day of life gained. Using assumptions much less favorable to screening, the Office of Technology Assessment modeled this same screening strategy for those aged 65 years and older. This model predicted a similar benefit of extra life per person at a cost of $118 per day of life gained. This doubling of the predicted cost was caused by the inclusion of subsequent colonoscopic surveillance costs for those found to have polyps. Direct costs of screening annually for fecal occult blood and every 5 years by sigmoidoscopy would cost an average of approximately $48 per person per year for screening and follow-up testing of all positive results. Fecal occult blood testing alone, although less effective, costs only $20 per person per year, including follow-up testing of all positive findings. CONCLUSIONS: The results from randomized trials of fecal occult blood screening will be known in the next 5 years, but trials of screening with sigmoidoscopy will not be complete for 10-15 years. Because mass screening programs will be difficult to fund without better data on their efficacy, colorectal cancer screening will continue to be a matter of individual decision making in the clinical setting for years to come. Clearer presentations of costs and benefits that can be understood by both patients and physicians are needed.

Adult↗

Preventing unintended pregnancy: the cost-effectiveness of three methods of emergency contraception.

OBJECTIVES: This study examined the cost-effectiveness of emergency contraceptive pills, minipills, and the copper-T intrauterine device (IUD) as emergency contraception. METHODS: Cost savings were modeled for both (1) a single contraceptive treatment following unprotected intercourse and (2) emergency contraceptive pills provided in advance. RESULTS: In a managed care (public payer) setting, a single treatment of emergency contraception after unprotected intercourse saves $142 ($54) with emergency contraceptive pills and $119 ($29) with minipills. The copper-T IUD is not cost-effective as an emergency contraceptive alone, but savings quickly accrue as use continues. Advance provision of emergency contraceptive pills to women using barrier contraceptives, spermicides, withdrawal, or periodic abstinence saves from $263 to $498 ($99 to $205) annually. CONCLUSIONS: Emergency contraception is cost-effective whether provided when the emergency arises or in advance to be used as needed. Greater use of emergency contraception could reduce the considerable medical and social costs of unintended pregnancies.

Contraceptives, Oral, Hormonal↗

Characteristics and attitudes of early contraceptive implant acceptors in Texas.

In 1991, shortly after Norplant became available in the United States, 678 women who had received the implant from 17 providers in Texas were surveyed. Forty-five percent of these women were under 21 years old. The majority (56%) had tried the implant because they were dissatisfied with their previous contraceptive method. Forty-four percent of the sample indicated that the implant was one of the first contraceptive methods they had used and that they had only recently decided to prevent unplanned pregnancy. The average number of children per woman was 1.2, and one-third of the sample had had at least one abortion. While 37% of the women said they wanted no more children, 63% said they were using the implant as a spacing method. The reasons for choosing the implant and concerns about it varied according to the user's age, educational level and race or ethnic group.

Adolescent↗

Past and present contraceptive behavior of new Soviet immigrant women in Israel.

This exploratory research investigated past and current use of contraceptives among a purposive sample of 117 new immigrant women from the Commonwealth of Independent States (former Soviet Union). The findings confirm the widespread use of induced abortion (IA) as a method of birth control before immigration. Fifty-eight percent of the sample had had at least one IA, and the average was 2.7 IA. The most commonly used types of contraception before immigration were the pill, safe days, withdrawal, and the IUD. Currently used types of contraception were the IUD, safe days, withdrawal, and condoms; however only 45% of the sample were currently using any type of contraception. Of particular interest were the relatively high reported use of the pill before immigration and low current use, and the former low level of condom use and its increase in popularity in Israel. Despite the availability of more effective methods of birth control, safe days and withdrawal remain commonly used. The high cost of the pill was mentioned as a deterrent to its current use. Despite the high prior level of IA, the majority of women in this sample (84%) preferred today to use other birth control methods, and would like the opportunity to receive professional advice. These findings support the need for educational efforts directed toward new immigrant women from CIS.

Abortion, Induced↗

Public perceptions about unplanned pregnancy.

A nationally representative telephone survey in 1994 of 2,002 adults indicates that 60% believe that unplanned pregnancy is a very big problem in the United States, and virtually all (90%) say it is at least a somewhat big problem. Two-thirds mistakenly believe that a larger percentage of women have unplanned pregnancies now than 10 years ago. A decline in moral standards is cited by 89% of respondents as contributing very much or somewhat to the problem. Lack of education is mentioned as a significant factor by 87%, and 88% see any of three barriers to contraceptive use--knowledge about use, access or cost--as being important factors. Never-married women with children, women in general, low-income respondents, Hispanics and those aged 65 or older are the most likely to believe that barriers to contraceptive access contribute very much to unplanned pregnancy; they are especially likely to cite cost or an inability to obtain contraceptives.

Adolescent↗