Labour force in Czechoslovakia after the World War II.
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"The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effect of age composition on labor force participation rate as well as the change in age-specific labor force participation rate for both males and females in Taiwan.... Data [are] obtained from the Taiwan Manpower Utilization Survey from 1979 to 1990. Results from the standardization analyses indicated that the age composition change from 1979 to 1990 has a leveling effect on the labor force participation rate (LFPR) for both males and females. During the period of time, rate of male labor force participation has...decreased while female labor force participation rate has...increased and then [leveled] off." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
Both high rates of labor force growth and large dependency ratios are forecast in this paper for the countries of Latin America in the 1990s. The author concludes that "population and employment problems must be given high priority in bilateral negotiations and/or with international organizations when deciding upon structural adjustment strategies." (SUMMARY IN ENG)
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The trends in population growth and employment in the European member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) as a whole were, in past decades, characterized by a relatively fast rate. At the same time, increases in the rate of employment exceeded in most of these countries, as a consequence of the activation of initial large reserves of the social labor force, increases in the population of reproductive age. In the 2nd 1/2 of the 1970s and in the early 1980s, the growth rate of labor resources was slower in most European CMEA countries due to demographic reasons. In view of the high rate of the economically active population, this was reflected in increased pressure for raising the productivity of labor. Some countries (Hungary, Poland) registered an absolute decrease in employment during that time.
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China will encounter 3 challenges of its population problem in the 1990s. The 1st is the huge number of people born or population increase each year. The 3rd baby boom, which started at the mid-1980s, will last until abound 1997. The women entering into the age of peak childbearing (23 years old) exceed 11 million each year with an upper range of about 13 million. IN 1992, the number of women of fecund ages (22-29) in the whole country will reach 124 million, the largest number of fertile women in history. The net increase of population will be from 15.5 to 17.0 million for each hear. What is more serious is that the momentum of population increase will continue, instead of being checked by the year 2000. The next are the continuous increase of the aged population of 65 and over and the growing tendency of population aging ahead of economic development. China is a developing socialist country, huge in population, weak in economic development, with less-developed science, culture, and education. However, as a result of the decline in the proportion of children to the total population due to the decline in the birth rate in the 1970s, China's population has become an adult population from a young one in terms of the age structure, and will be an aged one very soon. China is facing the challenge of aging under economically less developed conditions. For developed countries, it took 80 years for the proportion of the aged population of 65 and over to increase from 7% to 17%; for China, it has taken only 40 years. It will certainly bring about a series of problems and difficulties upon the society to cope with such a huge number of elderly in an underdeveloped economy. The 3rd challenge is the increasing pressure on employment due to the continuous growth of working-age population (15-64). It is estimated that the working-age population will increase to 858 million by 2000, 20 million more than the sum of working-age population in all of the developed countries; and to 977 million by 2020. Since in a short period of time it is difficult to change the situation of labor supply greater than demand, the pressure on employment will continue to increase, with more than 15 million people entering the labor force or waiting for jobs each year. In particular, the rural surplus labor force will reach 233 million by 2000. This is signaled by the huge number of farmers who have rushed into big cities for work in recent years. It is far beyond the capability of the government to employ such a huge number of laborers because it would require an investment of at least 3600 billion yuan for fixed assets. It seems to me that the 3 population challenges stated above are not isolated but interact to restrict the process of China's economic and social development. The way out lies in developing production and doing a better job of economic construction, while also adopting comprehensive measures to make further efforts in practicing family planning to better control the overrapid growth of population and improve the quality of human resources.
Trends in the number and structure of working-age populations in Europe and Poland are projected for the period 1990-2010. Among their predictions, the authors anticipate that "in Western Europe...the working age population will be reduced by...2%. In both Southern and Northern Europe the working age population will grow...by 1.3% and 3.6% [respectively]. On the other hand, in Eastern Europe the population concerned will grow substantially in those years: this growth is estimated [at]...9.1%." A 14.7 percent increase is predicted for Poland.
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This article presents a biocultural approach to human health that integrates perspectives from anthropological political economy, ecology, and human adaptability. This approach frames local conditions in relation to macrohistorical forces, and focuses on the social relations that underlie health and responses to illness. It examines the coping responses of human agents operating with a "conditional rationality," and the multiple consequences to these responses. The approach is illustrated with results from a study on the relationship between health and household economy among small-scale farmers of the Nuñoa District in the southern Peruvian Andes. Poor health and nutritional status reflect historical and current economic conditions in the district. Households in illness plant half as many fields at twice the labor cost as healthy households. Among poor households the effects of illness on farming production are exacerbated by their inability to adequately supplement family labor with nonhousehold workers. The consequences of illness can force changes in access to resources and production strategies, thus shaping household health and economy in the future.