[New poverty in Switzerland. "Poverty makes sick, sickness makes poor"].
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The U.S. Census Bureau recently released new, experimental measures of poverty based on a National Academy of Sciences (NAS) panel's recommendations. This article examines the effects of the experimental measures on poverty rates among persons aged 65 or older in order to help inform policy debate. Policymakers and analysts use poverty rates to measure the successes and failures of existing programs and to create and defend new policy initiatives. The Census Bureau computes the official rates of poverty using poverty thresholds and definitions of countable income that have changed little since the official poverty measure was adopted in 1965. Amid growing concerns about the adequacy of the official poverty measure, a NAS panel undertook a study of the concepts, methodology, and data needed to measure poverty. The panel concluded in its 1995 report that the current measure no longer provides an accurate picture of relative rates of poverty for different groups in the population or of changes in poverty over time. The panel recommended changes in establishing the poverty thresholds, defining family resources, and obtaining the required data. The Census Bureau report shows how estimated levels of poverty would differ from the official level as specific recommendations of the NAS panel are implemented individually and how estimated trends would differ when many recommendations are implemented simultaneously. It computes nonstandardized and standardized poverty rates. (The latter constrains the overall poverty rate under the experimental measures to match the official rate.) This article reports poverty rates that have not been standardized and provides considerably more detail than the Census report about the effects of the experimental measures on poverty among the aged. It examines the effects of changing the poverty thresholds and the items included or excluded from the definition of available resources. It also explores the effects of the experimental measures on persons aged 65 or older by age group, gender, race and ethnicity, and marital status. Results indicate that: Poverty rates in 1997 for persons aged 65 or older under the experimental NAS poverty measure are 17.3 percent, compared with 10.5 percent under the official poverty measure. This 65-percent increase is largely driven by the NAS-based measure's subtraction of medical out-of-pocket (MOOP) expenses from resources. Under the NAS-based measures, poverty rates increase for all major groups of older persons, and increase the most for groups for whom the incidence of official poverty is the lowest. The experimental NAS poverty measure shows narrower differences between genders, racial and ethnic groups, and among persons of different marital statuses than the official poverty measure. For example, white Hispanic women aged 65 or older have poverty rates that are 450 percent higher than those for white non-Hispanic men under the official poverty measure and 181 percent higher under the NAS measure. The NAS-based measure's subtraction of MOOP expenses from resources has a disproportionate effect on poverty rates among non-Hispanic whites and men as compared with other groups. However, changes in relative poverty between groups appear to be most influenced by the NAS midpoint equivalence scale. Because this scale decreases poverty rates for persons who live alone or with unrelated individuals and increases them for persons who live with others, poverty rates differ meaningfully under the NAS and official measures among demographic groups. This article highlights issues concerning the elements of the experimental NAS poverty measure that are particularly important to the measurement of poverty among the aged population. Results suggest that the research community's future efforts to refine, enhance, and build upon the NAS panel's recommendations will yield important insights about poverty among the older population.
BACKGROUND: Poverty and factors associated with poverty are strong and persistent barriers to childhood immunization. Substantive differences in coverage with basic vaccinations have been consistently observed over time between children living in poverty and those who are not. METHODS: The National Immunization Survey (NIS) uses a random-digit-dialing sample of telephone numbers in each state and in 28 urban areas. The NIS provides vaccination coverage information representative of all U.S. children aged 19 to 35 months. We categorized children in the NIS using Bureau of Census categories of poverty as follows: "above poverty" for household income > or = 125% of the federal poverty threshold for the household's size and composition; "near poverty," 100% to <125% of the poverty threshold; "intermediate poverty," 50% to <100% of the poverty threshold; and "severe poverty," <50% of the poverty threshold. We described coverage with basic vaccinations from 1996 through 1999 by poverty category and compare coverage between children in poverty and above poverty. RESULTS: From 1996 to 1999, estimated vaccination coverage with the basic vaccine series was consistently higher among children living above the poverty level than all other children. The difference in estimated vaccination coverage between children living in severe poverty and those living above poverty was 13.6 percentage points in 1996, and 10.0 percentage points in 1999. Vaccination coverage with the series 4:3:1:3 among children living in near poverty was similar to that of children living in poverty (74.7% vs 73.3%, p=0.52). Estimated vaccination coverage increased significantly (p<0.05) between 1996 and 1999 for most antigens among children living above poverty and among those living in intermediate and severe poverty. Vaccination coverage among children living in poverty increased significantly (p<0.05) between 1996 and 1999 in 1 of the 28 urban areas in the NIS. CONCLUSIONS: Low vaccination coverage among children living in and near poverty is a persistent problem in the United States. Additional efforts are needed to improve coverage.
Although there is a large body of research dedicated to exploring public attributions for poverty, considerably less attention has been directed to public understandings about the effects of poverty. In this paper, we describe lay understandings of the effects of poverty and the factors that potentially influence these perceptions, using data from a telephone survey conducted in 2002 on a random sample (n=1671) of adults from eight neighbourhoods in two large Canadian cities (Edmonton and Toronto). These data were supplemented with interview data obtained from 153 people living in these same neighbourhoods. Multivariate linear and logistic regressions were used to determine the effects of basic demographic variables, exposure to poverty and attribution for poverty on three dependent variables relating to the effects of poverty: participation in community life, the relationship between poverty and health and challenges facing low-income people. Ninety-one per cent of survey respondents agreed that poverty is linked to health, while 68% agreed that low-income people are less likely to participate in community life. Affordable housing was deemed especially difficult to obtain by 96%, but other resources (obtaining healthy food, giving children a good start in life, and engaging in healthy behaviours) were also viewed as challenging by at least 70% of respondents. The regression models revealed that when controlling for demographics, exposure to poverty explained some of the variance in recognising the effects of poverty. Media exposure positively influenced recognition of the poverty-health link, and attending formal talks was strongly related to understanding challenges of poverty. Attributions for poverty accounted for slightly more of the variance in the dependent variables. Specifically, structural and sociocultural attributions predicted greater recognition of the effects of poverty, in particular the challenges of poverty, while individualistic attributions predicted less recognition. Older and female respondents were more likely to acknowledge the effects of poverty. Income was positively associated with recognition of the poverty-health link, negatively associated with understanding the challenges of low-income people, and unrelated to perceptions of the negative effect of poverty on participation in community life.
BACKGROUND: This study examined associations of subsite-specific colorectal cancer incidence rates and stage of the disease with county-level poverty. METHODS: The 1998-2001 colorectal cancer incidence data, covering 75% of the United States population, were from 38 states and metropolitan areas. The county-level poverty data were categorized into 3 groups according to the percentage of the population below the poverty level in 1999: <10% (low-poverty), 10%-19% (middle-poverty), and >or=20% (high-poverty). Age-adjusted subsite-specific incidence rates (for all ages) and stage-specific incidence rates (for ages >or=50) were examined by race (whites and blacks), sex, and the county's poverty level. The differences in the incidence rates were examined using the 2-tailed z-statistic. RESULTS: The incidence rates of proximal colon cancer were higher among white males (11% higher) and white females (15% higher) in the low-poverty than in the high-poverty counties. No differences across county poverty levels were observed among whites for distal colon and rectal cancers or among blacks for all the subsites. The late-to-early stage incidence rate ratios were higher in the high-poverty than in the low-poverty counties among white and black males for distal colon and rectal cancers, among white females for distal colon cancer, and among black females for rectal cancer. For proximal colon cancer, however, the late-to-early stage rate ratios were similar across all county poverty levels. CONCLUSIONS: Higher incidence rates of proximal cancer were observed among white males and females in the low-poverty counties relative to the high-poverty counties. The higher late-to-early stage rate ratios in high-poverty than in low-poverty counties is observed for distal colon and rectal cancers, but not for proximal colon cancer.
PURPOSE: This paper examines baccalaureate nursing students' beliefs about the relationship between poverty and health, and the factors that influence these beliefs. BACKGROUND: The relationship between poverty and health is well established, and poverty remains a persistent problem in many industrialized nations. Nurses' understanding of how poverty influences health will affect how they interact with individual clients as well as the strategies they employ to address poverty-related issues. No studies have examined nursing students' understandings of how poverty influences health and the factors that influence that understanding. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey of a random sample (n = 740) of basic baccalaureate nursing students was conducted in three Canadian universities in 2000. Students completed a 59-item questionnaire eliciting data on demographic variables, personal and educational exposure to poverty, beliefs about the relationship between poverty and health (myth, drift, behavioural, structural), and attitudes to poverty. RESULTS: Students were most likely to adhere to a structural explanation of the relationship between poverty and health. Very little of the variance in myth and drift explanations was accounted for by course or personal exposure, programme level, age, and attitudes toward poverty. Greater course exposure and more positive attitudes toward the poor predicted support for the structural explanation. Support for the behavioural explanation was influenced by attitudes toward the poor and, to a lesser extent, by course exposure, age, and programme level. CONCLUSION: Students would benefit from greater exposure to poverty through coursework that emphasizes the structural factors contributing to poverty and its negative health consequences. Classroom experience should be complemented with clinical placements that provide students with opportunities to interact with families living in poverty and to work collaboratively with others to address the causes and consequences of poverty at community and policy levels.
In this paper, we propose an approach to investigate the hypothesis that the residential concentration of poverty affects health status more deeply than when poverty is randomly scattered in a given geographical area. To characterize the geographic pattern of poverty in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, an index that measures the heterogeneity of poverty concentration among sub-areas was proposed. We used census data and defined poverty by means of the household head monthly income. The 153 neighborhoods that compose the city were used as the geographic units, and the census tracts as the sub-areas. The proposed index measures differences of poverty concentration across census tracts within a neighborhood. The effects of geographic poverty clustering on infant mortality related variables (early neonatal mortality rate; post-neonatal mortality rate; proportion of adolescent mothers; and fertility rate among adolescents) were estimated by partial correlation coefficients, controlling for the neighborhood poverty rate. Our study revealed that intra-city variations of the post-neonatal mortality rate are associated with geographic patterns of poverty, and that pregnancy in adolescence is strongly and contextually correlated with intra-neighborhood poverty clustering, even after adjustment for the poverty rate. The evidence of relevant health differences associated with the spatial concentration of poverty supports the hypothesis that properties of the environment of residence contextually influence health. Our findings suggest that prevention of some infant mortality related problems has to be focused directly on features of communities, considering their physical, cultural and psychosocial characteristics, being of particular concern the health of communities segregated from the society at large by extreme poverty.
PURPOSE: To explore Canadian health sector initiatives addressing poverty. METHODS: Information about 224 health sector initiatives addressing poverty was collected from Health Canada, provincial/territorial health ministries, and health regions. RESULTS: Health Canada, 12 provincial/territorial health ministries, and at least one third of health regions have been undertaking poverty-related initiatives. Almost two thirds (64.7%) of initiatives focused on the consequences of poverty. Much less frequent were initiatives that aim to: raise awareness about poverty; prevent people from becoming poor; enhance skills and education of people in poverty; and alter social and economic conditions contributing to poverty. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS: While strategies that focus on the consequences of poverty likely enhance the health of Canadians in poverty, these strategies do little to reduce poverty rates. Efforts to improve the health of both individual Canadians in poverty and society as a whole will be limited until the health sector uses more strategies that challenge fundamental structural conditions contributing to poverty.
Previous studies have consistently found an inverse relationship between household-level poverty and health status. However, what is not well understood is whether and how the average economic status at the community level plays a role in the poverty-health relationship. The purpose of this study is to investigate the concentration of poverty at the community level in Tanzania and its association with the availability and quality of primary health care services, the utilization of services, and health outcomes among household categories defined by wealth scores. A principal component method has been applied to rank households separately by urban/rural location using reported levels of asset ownership and living conditions. The household wealth scores were also used to classify communities into three cluster-types based on the proportion of households belonging to the poorest wealth tercile. On average, all the wealth terciles living in low poverty concentration areas were found to have better health outcomes and service utilization rates than their counterparts living in high poverty concentration clusters. Consistent with the finding is that high poverty concentration areas were further away from facilities offering primary health care than low poverty concentration areas. Moreover, the facilities closest to the high poverty concentration areas had fewer doctors, medical equipment and drugs. Among the high poverty concentration clusters, the 10 communities with the best women's body mass index (BMI) measures were found to have access to facilities with a greater availability of equipment and drugs than the 10 communities with the worst BMI measures. Although this study does not directly measure quality, the characteristics that differentiate high poverty concentration clusters from low poverty concentration clusters point to quality as more important than physical access among the study population.
OBJECTIVES: Studies that examine children's poverty and health at one point in time do not account for some children experiencing poverty briefly and others living in poverty for much of their lives. The objective of this study was to determine how duration of poverty and child race are related to child health. METHODS: To assess these relationships, we analyzed data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and its Child Development Supplement. Ordinary least squares regression was used to estimate bivariate and multivariate models predicting caregiver-rated child health. The regression models assessed the statistical effect of the proportion of childhood in poverty and child race on child health, controlling for child sex, age, parental education, whether the household includes two parents, and family poverty in the last year. RESULTS: Increasing proportion of childhood in poverty is associated with worse health status. In addition, African American children are more likely than white children to have lower-rated health status. The analysis does not support the hypothesis that poverty more strongly affects the health of African American children. CONCLUSIONS: Increasing exposure to family poverty negatively affects child health. Future research would benefit from more studies that utilize longitudinal measures of childhood poverty. We suggest that public policies to reduce childhood poverty exposure would improve child health.