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Cultural factors in the choice of drugs.

The human animal has discovered a wide range of drugs, some of which are readily available products of nature, and has invented others by means of manufacture or processing. The meanings, uses, and associations that are attached to such drugs vary from one population to another and are often different for subgroups within a given population. Even the effects of drugs vary, demonstrating that they are not inherent in the substances or in the biochemical impact they have on the human organism. Meanings, uses, and associations often change over time as well. These facts, briefly illustrated with selected examples, demonstrate that culture is an important aspect of the environment--interacting with biological and psychological factors--in relation to choices individuals make about drugs, their uses, and the outcomes of use. The concept of culture has heuristic value in describing and analyzing beliefs and behavior, but it should not be construed as an etiologically powerful entity. Culture can be viewed as a metaphor, reflecting and incorporating social consensus and controls. Any serious attempt to change patterns of drug use must involve changes in the culture, and education promises to be the most likely way of altering both individual choices and cultural patterns. Whereas "the control model" of prevention unrealistically relies on formal legislative and regulatory controls, "the sociocultural model" emphasizes more powerful informal social controls.

Alcohol Drinking↗

Motivation by positive or negative role models: regulatory focus determines who will best inspire us.

In 3 studies, the authors demonstrated that individuals are motivated by role models who encourage strategies that fit their regulatory concerns: Promotion-focused individuals, who favor a strategy of pursuing desirable outcomes, are most inspired by positive role models, who highlight strategies for achieving success; prevention-focused individuals, who favor a strategy of avoiding undesirable outcomes, are most motivated by negative role models, who highlight strategies for avoiding failure. In Studies 1 and 2, the authors primed promotion and prevention goals and then examined the impact of role models on motivation. Participants' academic motivation was increased by goal-congruent role models but decreased by goal-incongruent role models. In Study 3, participants were more likely to generate real-life role models that matched their chronic goals.

Achievement↗

Could it happen to you? Predicting the impact of downward comparisons on the self.

Three studies examined the impact of downward comparisons on the self. Worse-off others exerted an impact only when participants drew an analogy between themselves and the other. When participants did draw an analogy, the impact of the other on the self was determined by perceived vulnerability to the other's negative fate. When vulnerability was low, downward comparisons enhanced self-evaluations. When vulnerability was high, downward comparisons deflated self-evaluations, but activated a prevention orientation, boosting motivation aimed at avoiding the negative experience of the other.

Adaptation, Psychological↗

Introducing uninteresting tasks to children: a comparison of the effects of rewards and autonomy support.

Two experiments compared rewards and autonomy support as methods to promote children's self-regulation for an uninteresting vigilance task. Dependent measures were ratings of positive affect, perception of the task's value, and free-choice engagement. ANOVA results revealed some positive effects associated with autonomy support, whereas no effect for rewards was found in either study. The outcomes of most interest were correlations between free-choice behavior and self-reported measures of affect and value, reflecting the level of integration in self-regulation. As predicted by self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985, 1991, 2000), rewards were associated with behaviors incongruent from affect and value, whereas autonomy support led to integrated self-regulation. This finding was first detected in Study 1 and later replicated in Study 2. Together, these results point to autonomy support as a beneficial alternative to the common use of rewards.

Analysis of Variance↗

I, we, and the effects of others on me: how self-construal level moderates social comparison effects.

In 5 studies, the authors investigate the impact of self-activation on the occurrence and direction of social comparison effects. They show that self-evaluative comparison effects are more likely to occur when self-related cognitions are made cognitively accessible. Contrast occurs when personal self-construals ("I") are accessible, whereas assimilation occurs when social self-construals ("we") are activated. These effects of self-construal activation are similar to the impact of self-unrelated information processing styles that are often associated with personal and social self-accessibility (i.e., differentiation and integration mind-sets). However, whereas self-construal activation elicits self-serving social comparisons, activation of self-unrelated processing styles results in non-self-serving social comparison effects. Implications of these results for understanding the cognitive processes underlying social comparison effects are discussed.

Adolescent↗

A self-regulation program for maintenance of weight loss.

BACKGROUND: Since many successful dieters regain the weight they lose, programs that teach maintenance skills are needed. We developed a maintenance program based on self-regulation theory and tested the efficacy of delivering the program face to face or over the Internet. METHODS: We randomly assigned 314 participants who had lost a mean of 19.3 kg of body weight in the previous 2 years to one of three groups: a control group, which received quarterly newsletters (105 participants), a group that received face-to-face intervention (105), and a group that received Internet-based intervention (104). The content of the programs in the two intervention groups was the same, emphasizing daily self-weighing and self-regulation, as was the frequency of contact with the groups. The primary outcome was weight gain over a period of 18 months. RESULTS: The mean (+/-SD) weight gain was 2.5+/-6.7 kg in the face-to-face group, 4.7+/-8.6 kg in the Internet group, and 4.9+/-6.5 kg in the control group, with a significant difference between the face-to-face group and the control group (2.4 kg; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.002 to 10.8; P=0.05). The proportion of participants who regained 2.3 kg or more over the 18-month period was significantly higher in the control group (72.4%) than in the face-to-face group (45.7%; absolute difference, 27%; 95% CI, 14 to 39; P<0.001) or the Internet group (54.8%; absolute difference, 18%; 95% CI, 5 to 30; P=0.008). Daily self-weighing increased in both intervention groups and was associated with a decreased risk of regaining 2.3 kg or more (P<0.001). CONCLUSIONS: As compared with receiving quarterly newsletters, a self-regulation program based on daily weighing improved maintenance of weight loss, particularly when delivered face to face. (ClinicalTrials.gov number, NCT00067145 [ClinicalTrials.gov].)

Body Weight↗