Sex murder and the potential sex murderer.
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A body with a gunshot wound to the head was discovered in a wooded area in mid September 1983 wrapped with about 20 consecutive layers of plastic garbage bags and rope. Examination of the body revealed a bullet hole in the occipital-parietal region and a peculiar decomposition of the body. Following a forensic reconstruction of our autopsy findings, microscopic studies and other ancillary factors, we concluded that the body had been frozen for about 2 and one-quarter years prior to its being dumped along a mountain road here in Rockland County. The means by which we concluded that the victim had been frozen for about 2 and one-quarter years and other important aspects of this case are fully discussed.
In Domus Medica, there is a white marble plaque with the names of Danish doctors who lost their lives during the occupation. Among these names is my father's "Stefan Jørgensen". The murder of my father was what is called a 'clearing' murder, i.e., the murder of a Dane chosen at random as retaliation for the killing of a German or an informer. My father was murdered at the door of his consulting rooms in his home on 24 April 1944. An article in Berlingske Tidende on 25 April stated that the murder occurred in the doctor's consulting rooms, where in the end two young men and a somewhat older man sat in the waiting room. When the doctor came out to receive the next patient, one of the younger men got up and shot at the doctor's head four times, where upon the doctor fell down, and the murderer fled. In 1993, a book by Jørgen Røjel, "Holger Danske rejser sig", was published. In the book is stated, On 24 April "Johs' father was murdered by Henning Brøndum". Hans Edvard Teglers writes in his book "Sabotage" from 1961, "On 24 April 1944, Doctor Stefan Jørgensen was murdered in his consulting rooms in Vaeldegaardsvej in Gentofte. The two terrorists, Brøndum and Bothilsen Nielsen, had sat in the waiting room. It later came to light that Dr. Stefan Jørgensen had been on the Gestapo's list of possible victims for the so-called 'clearing murders', the so-called A-file".
There appear to be no brain imaging studies investigating which brain mechanisms subserve affective, impulsive violence versus planned, predatory violence. It was hypothesized that affectively violent offenders would have lower prefrontal activity, higher subcortical activity, and reduced prefrontal/subcortical ratios relative to controls, while predatory violent offenders would show relatively normal brain functioning. Glucose metabolism was assessed using positron emission tomography in 41 comparisons, 15 predatory murderers, and nine affective murderers in left and right hemisphere prefrontal (medial and lateral) and subcortical (amygdala, midbrain, hippocampus, and thalamus) regions. Affective murderers relative to comparisons had lower left and right prefrontal functioning, higher right hemisphere subcortical functioning, and lower right hemisphere prefrontal/subcortical ratios. In contrast, predatory murderers had prefrontal functioning that was more equivalent to comparisons, while also having excessively high right subcortical activity. Results support the hypothesis that emotional, unplanned impulsive murderers are less able to regulate and control aggressive impulses generated from subcortical structures due to deficient prefrontal regulation. It is hypothesized that excessive subcortical activity predisposes to aggressive behaviour, but that while predatory murderers have sufficiently good prefrontal functioning to regulate these aggressive impulses, the affective murderers lack such prefrontal control over emotion regulation.
The authors present a pilot statistical study of murder-suicide comprising 32 cases from the years 1990-1992, collected from the offices of the medical examiners of seven counties in five of the United States. The study includes brief reviews of previous statistical surveys of murder, murder-suicide, and suicide. This present study's conclusions parallel the findings of previous research on the demographic characteristics of the perpetrators of murder-suicide, the relationship between killers and victims, the types of weapon used, locations of the incidents, and the time intervals between the murder and suicide. It also highlights the similarities between the characteristics of the perpetrator of murder-suicide and those of persons who commit only suicide, supporting the thesis that murder-suicide is an extended suicide. Suggestions for prevention of such a type of crime are offered.
OBJECTIVE: The authors conducted a descriptive, archival study of adolescent (< or =19 years of age) mass murderers-subjects who intentionally killed three or more victims in one event-to identify demographic, clinical, and forensic characteristics. METHOD: A nonrandom sample of convenience of adolescent mass murderers was utilized. RESULTS: Thirty-four subjects, acting alone or in pairs, committed 27 mass murders between 1958 and 1999. The sample consisted of males with a median age of 17. A majority were described as "loners" and abused alcohol or drugs; almost half were bullied by others, preoccupied with violent fantasy, and violent by history. Although 23% had a documented psychiatric history, only 6% were judged to have been psychotic at the time of the mass murder. Depressive symptoms and historical antisocial behaviors were predominant. There was a precipitating event in most cases--usually a perceived failure in love or school--and most subjects made threatening statements regarding the mass murder to third parties. The majority of the sample clustered into three types: the family annihilator, the classroom avenger, and the criminal opportunist. CONCLUSIONS: The adolescent mass murderer is often predatorily rather than affectively violent and typically does not show any sudden or highly emotional warning signs. Although the act of mass murder is virtually impossible to predict because of its extremely low frequency, certain clinical and forensic findings can alert the clinician to the need for further, intensified primary care, including family, school, community, law enforcement, and mental health intervention.
On March 18, after deliberating for approximately nine hours over two days, a Dedham, Massachusetts, jury found John Salvi guilty of two counts of first-degree murder for the December 1994 shooting deaths of Shannon Lowney and Lee Ann Nichols, receptionists at two Brookline, Massachusetts, women's health care clinics. Salvi was also convicted of five counts of assault with intent to murder (see RFN IV/1). Almost immediately, Norfolk Superior Court Judge Barbara Dortch-Okara ordered Salvi to serve the maximum sentence--two consecutive life terms in prison without parole--for the murders and an additional 90-100 years for the five assaults. Under Massachusetts law, the first-degree murder convictions will be automatically appealed. In reaching their verdict, the jury of six men and six women rejected Salvi's plea of not guilty by reason of insanity. The five-week trial included testimony from more than 100 witnesses. In the past two years, two other men have been convicted for the first-degree murders of abortion providers: Michael Griffin, who was convicted of murdering Dr. David Gunn in March 1994, is now serving a life sentence; and Paul Hill, who was convicted of murdering Dr. John Britton and James Barrett in November 1995, is on Florida's death row while his sentence is pending mandatory appeal (see RFN III/19, 22).
Previous research has suggested that links between autonomic nervous system functioning and violence are strongest in those who come from benign home backgrounds, but there appears to be no similar research using brain-imaging measures of central nervous system functioning. It was hypothesized that murderers who had no early psychosocial deprivation (e.g., no childhood abuse, family neglect) would demonstrate lower prefrontal glucose metabolism than murderers with early psychosocial deprivation and a group of normal controls. Murderers from a previous study, which showed prefrontal deficits in murderers, were assessed for psychosocial deprivation and divided into those with and without deprivation. Murderers without any clear psychosocial deficits were significantly lower on prefrontal glucose metabolism than murderers with psychosocial deficits and controls. These results suggest that murderers lacking psychosocial deficits are characterized by prefrontal deficits. It is argued that among violent offenders without deprived home backgrounds, the "social push" to violence is minimized, and consequently, brain abnormalities provide a relatively stronger predisposition to violence in this group.
This study is a review of cases of murder reported to Police in Kaduna State from 1983 to 1987 and a survey of the psychosocial profile of the murderers. Most of the murderers, 91.7%, were between the ages of 20 and 40 while 93.6% were male. Of them 56.5% were single while Moslems (51.2%) formed the highest group. Unemployed and ex-service men predominated in the cohort interviewed. Sharp tools such as matchets, knives and axes were used by 66.7%, 83.3% of the murderers are acquitances (friends and family members) of their victims. Socially acceptable reasons were given for 79.1% of the murder while 5.3% were referred for psychiatric assessment. Implications of this study in formulating policy on murder are briefly mentioned.
Our study of the characteristics of murder-suicide in Fulton County, Georgia is compared with published data, and the usefulness of a proposed typology for classifying murder-suicides is evaluated. Twelve murder-suicides involving 26 decedents occurred in Fulton County (Atlanta), Georgia, during 1988-1991. Similar to national statistics, most offenders were male (100%), there was usually one victim (83%) who was most often female (71%), a spousal or love relationship often existed between the victim and offender (64%), and a firearm was the lethal weapon in almost all incidents (92%). Important differences from published data included a higher incidence of murder-suicide (0.46/100,000), which accounted for a lower proportion of all homicides (1.4%) and a higher proportion of all suicides (3.6%) than is reported nationally, and a lower proportion of white offenders (17%) and higher proportion of male victims (29%). A total of 83% of incidents were intraracial. Murder-suicide in Fulton County was different from national data in ways that might be due to local demographics, the local homicide rate, and the local suicide rate. The proposed typology for classification of murder-suicides is in need of more precise definitions of terminology; further, it does not permit inclusion of some major details that might be useful for study. An alternative classification scheme is offered that enables documentation of more comprehensive information.
Review was undertaken from February 1969 to January 1998 at the State forensic science center (Forensic Science) in Adelaide, South Australia, of all cases of murder-suicide involving children <16 years of age. A total of 13 separate cases were identified involving 30 victims, all of whom were related to the perpetrators. There were 7 male and 6 female perpetrators (age range, 23-41 years; average, 31 years) consisting of 6 mothers, 6 father/husbands, and 1 uncle/son-in-law. The 30 victims consisted of 11 daughters, 11 sons, 1 niece, 1 mother-in-law, and 6 wives of the assailants. The 23 children were aged from 10 months to 15 years (average, 6.0 years). The 6 mothers murdered 9 children and no spouses, with 3 child survivors. The 6 fathers murdered 13 children and 6 wives, with 1 child survivor. This study has demonstrated a higher percentage of female perpetrators than other studies of murder-suicide. The methods of homicide and suicide used were generally less violent among the female perpetrators compared with male perpetrators. Fathers killed not only their children but also their wives, whereas mothers murdered only their children. These results suggest differences between murder-suicides that involve children and adult-only cases, and between cases in which the mother rather than the father is the perpetrator.
Psychological profiling represents the investigative technique of analyzing crime behaviors for the identification of probable offender characteristics. Profiling has progressively been incorporated into police procedures despite a surprising lack of empirical research to support its validity. Indeed, in the study of sexual murder for the purpose of profiling, very few quantitative, academically reviewed studies exist. This article reports on the results of a 4-year study into Australian sexual murders for the development of psychological profiling. The study involved 85 cases of sexual murder sampled from all Australian police jurisdictions. The statistical procedure of multidimensional scaling was employed. This analysis produced a five-cluster model of sexual murder behavior. First, a central cluster of behaviors was identified that represents common behaviors to all patterns of sexual murder. Next, four distinct outlying patterns--predator, fury, perversion, and rape--were identified that each demonstrated distinct offense styles. Further analysis of these patterns also identified distinct offender characteristics that allow for the use of empirically robust offender profiles in future sexual murder investigations.
Scholars have endeavored to study the motivation and causality behind serial murder by researching biological, psychological, and sociological variables. Some of these studies have provided support for the relationship between these variables and serial murder. However, the study of serial murder continues to be an exploratory rather than explanatory research topic. This article examines the possible link between serial killers and military service. Citing previous research using social learning theory for the study of murder, this article explores how potential serial killers learn to reinforce violence, aggression, and murder in military boot camps. As with other variables considered in serial killer research, military experience alone cannot account for all cases of serial murder. Future research should continue to examine this possible link.
Two females, Denean Worms and Brenda Hughes, were murdered in separate events in Cranbrook, British Columbia in 1984 within three months of each other. Terrence Wayne Burlingham was found guilty of both murders and he appealed. The Supreme Court of Canada granted Burlingham a new trial in the Worms case, but no evidence from Burlingham's confession nor the murder weapon could be used. The Crown counsel requested an evaluation of the two murders to determine if they were committed by the same person. The analyses of those murders revealed that they were linked by a personal "signature" of the killer. The murder cases reported here demonstrate a control-oriented signature. The killer used a .410 shotgun as his method of control and death, engaged in overkill of each victim by shooting them twice in the head, and left the victims in sexually degrading positions. Another signature feature was the absence of typical wounds to the victims which would be expected from a serial sex offender. All of these characteristics, in combination, accounted for this killer's personal expression.