Comparison of selected perceptual and personality variables among college women deviant and non-deviant in their appearance.
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This paper will report on preliminary findings of an on-going study of "controlled" use of marihuana, psychedelics, and opiates which point to the possibility of minimizing the social costs of illicit drug use via social control. This study, sponsored by The Drug Abuse Council, Inc., a non-profit private foundation, shows that despite the lack of larger cultural support for controlled illicit drug use and other obstacles, users are able to develop and maintain moderate, long-term, nonabusive, i.e., controlled, drug-using patterns. We will show that these patterns are primarily supported by the development of social drug-using situations in which sanctions and rituals permit use while condemning abuse. In the discussion, we will compare the management of controlled use in our sample to the larger culture's handling of alcohol.
We examined the correlates of self-reported lifetime use of alcohol, marijuana, amphetamines, and cocaine within a sample of almost 7,000 high school sophomores in Arizona and Utah. Correlates of drug use (including parental attachment, religious attachment, educational attachment, conventional values, and drug-using friends) showed very similar patterns by gender, with some interesting differences by location. Drug-using friends are by far the best predictor of drug use for both males and females in Arizona and Utah.
The author advocates that a clinician play the role of a primary care therapist (PCT) for substance abusers to assure that appropriate treatment interventions are provided to meet patient needs. In treating substance abusers, the PCT must be concerned about patients' needs for control, containment, contact, and comfort, especially initially, but also in an ongoing way. The PCT functions in direct, coordinating, and monitoring roles in order to optimally provide and combine psychotherapeutic and self-help elements.
Theories of alcoholism tend to blame the alcoholic by implying that most American drinkers have an ability, which the alcoholic lacks, to drink without problems. The presence or absence of this ability or capacity presumably accounts for the incidence of alcohol problems in society. But we normally apply the idea of an ability or a capacity only after an individual has been exposed to the risk of problems from a hazard or difficult task, and when an individual avoids these problems by their efforts. On this point survey data reveal that most American drinkers have a rather limited exposure to alcohol and are not at risk for problems. It is likely that it is this low exposure to alcohol-rather than some drinking ability-that accounts for the absence of problems. Moreover, the entire practice of treating drinking and the occurrence of problems in the idiom of individual abilities, capacities, or control can be shown to be incorrect and is systematically misleading. A public health approach to alcohol problems is needed that identifies the risks for all associated with hazardous intakes of alcohol and that seeks to reduce these hazards chiefly by reducing the overall consumption of alcohol.
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This study was concerned with the relative importance of parental, peer, and demographic variables in predicting problem drinking among young people. A survey of drinking and drinking problems was conducted among 1,439 students in two schools in Ontario. A Multiple Classification Analysis was employed to identify variables with a significant and unique predictive power. It was found that problem drinking is best predicted with situational factors and those directly connected with drinking. Parental and peer variables had little unique predictive power. Problem drinkers were more often male, had their first drinks away from home, and usually drank in cars.
Unlike other demographic and sociopsychological correlates of student alcohol and other drug use, the variable of ethnic identification and its possible effects on student substance use have not received adequate attention from researchers. This paper seeks to examine the relationship between ethnic identification and alcohol use on the basis of data collected from a survey of 667 high school students in Toronto. Results show that when other variables (sociodemographic, school, family, availability, and informal social control) are controlled for, the relationship between ethnic identification and alcohol use remains significant in Canadian-born students but not in foreign-born students. Also, foreign-born students are found to exhibit lower levels of alcohol use than their Canadian-born counterparts, regardless of cultural origin. Implications of the findings for future studies of ethnicity and alcohol/drug use and for prevention efforts are discussed.
The success of therapeutic community treatment is based on trust. Trust underlies the willingness of residents to endorse and profit from confrontations of their denial. Lack of trust can be seen to underlie the high dropout rate of many therapeutic communities. Social learning theory, which is usually cited as a theoretical foundation for therapeutic communities, does not explain the role of trust. Instead, we need an explanation of trust based on a logic of emotion rather than the cognitive, calculating logic of social learning. This logic can be found in the process of connection. Trust, in the theoretical orientation of connection, grows out of the resident's perception that community members care. This caring is revealed in their empathy for the resident, their willingness to take responsibility for helping the resident, and their nurturance. The resident's level of trust determines his (her) willingness to be open and responsive to the community. The implications of the connection process for the development of trust between new residents and old residents and between residents and staff are developed.
The theoretical argument of the paper is as follows: Traditional values may deter many Latinas from drug use, but they operate to ostracize adolescent girls from cholo (street) families. Those girls may be propelled into drug-using youth gangs or similar peer groups, where they are further channeled to the more deviant subcliques. This pivotal experience initiates a drug-oriented adult lifestyle. Gender norms mean that the typical male career path to and from the gang is different. Data bearing on this argument are presented, and research and intervention implications are explored.
A social control drug progression model was delineated and tested using a sample of 2,626 high school students from the southwestern United States. Along with the social control constructs of parental attachment, educational attachment, religious attachment, and conventional values, we incorporated alcohol, cigarette, and marijuana use into the model as intervening variables. The model explains 39% of the variation in the self-reported amphetamine use and 24% of the variation in "hard drug" use (cocaine, heroin, LSD, and PCP). The findings suggest that the integration of social control theory and drug progression improves the predictive power of the model of adolescent drug use.
The socializing impact of the family is compared to that of peers during adolescent progressive involvement with drugs. This longitudinal study replicates in the school population of Madrid the work of Kandel and associates in the state of New York in an attempt to verify the "stepping-stone" hypothesis. Although the Madrid study detected a sequence of drug use similar to that in the New York study, the Spanish study hypothesized tobacco use to be the first stage and alcohol use the second. Cultural traits explain the different findings of these studies, especially those concerning the preventive role of the mother-child bond among Spanish adolescents.
Primary socialization theory states that drug use and deviance are social behaviors learned predominantly through three sources, the family, the school, and peer clusters. This paper shows that the theory provides a parsimonious explanation of how characteristics of both the local community and the larger extended community influence drug use and deviance. These characteristics affect deviance because they either strengthen or weaken bonding with the three primary socialization sources, or affect the norms that are transmitted through the primary socialization process. The paper considers the following social structure characteristics of the local neighborhood or community: physical characteristics, rurality, ethnicity, heterogeneity, occupational type, mobility, poverty, neighborhood deviance, and age distribution. It also examines how other secondary socialization sources, the extended family, associational groups, religion, the peer environment, and the media influence the primary socialization process and, in turn, drug use and deviance.