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PubMed1984

Considering the opposite: a corrective strategy for social judgment.

It is proposed that several biases in social judgment result from a failure--first noted by Francis Bacon--to consider possibilities at odds with beliefs and perceptions of the moment. Individuals who are induced to consider the opposite, therefore, should display less bias in social judgment. In two separate but conceptually parallel experiments, this reasoning was applied to two domains--biased assimilation of new evidence on social issues and biased hypothesis testing of personality impressions. Subjects were induced to consider the opposite in two ways: through explicit instructions to do so and through stimulus materials that made opposite possibilities more salient. In both experiments the induction of a consider-the-opposite strategy had greater corrective effect than more demand-laden alternative instructions to be as fair and unbiased as possible. The results are viewed as consistent with previous research on perseverance, hindsight, and logical problem solving, and are thought to suggest an effective method of retraining social judgment.

Attitude↗
PubMed1986

Expectation of success following noncontingent punishment in introverts and extraverts.

Recent findings indicate that extraverts are more likely than introverts to continue responding in the face of punishment and frustrating nonreward (Newman & Kosson, 1984; Tiggemann, Winefield, & Brebner, 1982). The current study investigates whether extraverts' expectations for success are, similarly, resistant to interruption and alteration. To test this hypothesis, 50 introverted and 50 extraverted male undergraduates were exposed to pretreatment with either a 50% level of noncontingent reward or a 50% level of noncontingent punishment. As predicted, there were significant Group X Pretreatment interactions on all dependent measures. In comparison to those introverts who received the punishment pretreatment, extraverts exposed to the same pretreatment placed larger wagers on their ability to succeed, and reported higher levels of perceived control. In addition, relative to their estimates for the pretreatment task, extraverts exposed to noncontingent punishment increased their expectation for success, whereas introverts exposed to noncontingent punishment decreased their performance expectations. No differences were observed between the two groups following pretreatment with noncontingent reward. The results suggest that extraverts are characterized by a distinctive reaction to punishment involving response facilitation as opposed to response inhibition.

Achievement↗
PubMed1986

Effects of punishment on response latency in extraverts.

Previous findings indicate that in comparison to introverts, extraverts are prone to form responses that are resistant to interruption by punishment. Because the tendency to stop and reflect following punishment may be crucial for subsequent learning, the present study was designed to examine differences between introverts' and extraverts' reactions to punishment using response latency on the trial following punishment as the dependent variable. Sixty-six extraverted and 66 introverted male undergraduates performed a pattern-matching task in which they received noncontingent 50% success and 50% failure feedback under three incentive conditions including reward only, punishment only, or both. As predicted, a significant interaction was found in the both condition, reflecting the tendency of extraverts to respond more quickly and introverts more slowly following punishment feedback than following reward feedback. No significant effects were found in the other two conditions; however, a tendency was noted for extraverts to respond more quickly overall when only reward was given. A second experiment using reward-only and punishment-only feedback replicated this finding and yielded a significant interaction of Group X Condition. The results indicate that in contrast to introverts, extraverts are activated by the availability of reward and, paradoxically, that punishment may facilitate rather than interrupt extraverts' reward seeking behavior.

Adult↗
PubMed1992

Sensation seeking and selective attention: focused and divided attention on a dichotic listening task.

Differences in selective attention as a function of sensation seeking, extraversion, neuroticism, and psychoticism were examined in 108 undergraduates using a dichotic listening task. Dependent measures included shadowing performance, reaction times to a secondary light task, target detection, and recall. The results suggested that high sensation seekers have better focused attention than low sensation seekers, and these effects were strongest on the 1st trials of the shadowing tasks. High sensation seekers did not attend differently than low sensation seekers to words related to their interests (sexual, violent, or drug related). Extraversion was associated with greater recall of these kinds of words, although there were no overall differences in selective attention as a function of Eysenck's dimensions. The role of arousal in personality and attention is discussed, particularly in regard to the response of sensation seekers to task novelty.

Adult↗
PubMed1985

[Coping with stress as a paradigm of the psychopathology in childhood and adolescence].

Stress coping can be valid for a paradigm of psychopathology of children and adolescents. This concept is supported by an extensive literature which shows the way of coping from a "footnote to stress theory" (Lazarus) to its central concept. Neither the "objective" stress (stimulus side) nor the specificity of stress reaction (adaptation syndrome) are the important factors, but rather the mediation between stress coping and the individual, the transaction in the sense of an exchange process. Above all, permanent personality attributes have been examined here, most intensively extraversion/introversion and neuroticism, and recently, more and more often coping processes. The research situation also confirms in its approach the concept of Lazarus (1981) in the field of child and adolescent psychiatry. According to Lazarus, stressors are less meaningful as a cause of psychiatric disturbances than cognitive-emotional reaction mediating coping processes. They should be examined preferably under natural conditions; a combination of standard research strategies with individual case analyses is recommended. Therapeutically, it is essential to help children and adolescents to achieve an adequate correlation between their own capabilities and limitations on the one hand, and of conflicts and stress situations on the other hand, whereby the adolescent (young) patient is interested in a quick solution to personal and interpersonal crises. He is not at all interested in its extension in the sense of a 'Sturm-und-Drang'-idea of adolescent age. Hence coping cannot be confined only to coping with a functional crisis; it must rather aspire to achieve a schematisation of the situation in accordance with the truth.

Adaptation, Psychological↗
PubMed1977

Loneliness: an interdisciplinary approach.

Psychological motivations, reasons why human nature is what it is, principles by which we may 'explain', understand, sympathize, or empathize with other human beings--and ourselves--what a variety of possible principles has been offered by philosophers and psychologists! All men seek happiness, announces Aristotle (Ethics). Just as all men delight in imitation (Poetics), and human beings universally take pleasure in knowing (Metaphysics), in that same sense it may be said that the arche of human conduct or action derives from the self-evident fact that all men desire to be happy. According to Hobbes, each human atom is motivated by self-interest, not to say selfishness, and every individual strives for his own 'good' through power over others. Bentham, on the other hand, regards man as under the sovereign twin masters of pleasure and pain, whose dominion extends over the entirety of human conduct. Freud retraces the path of our problematic symptoms to a fund of repressed sexual and libidinal energy, whose fettered strivings results in overt neuroses. Adler employs a Schopenhauerian and Nietzschean 'will to power' as a model for understanding a universal feeling of inferiority, whose ultimate origin is grounded in the inadequacy of the infant. And Jung cavalierly splits the human race into the extrovertish and the introvertish, the cosmopolitans and the islanders. What I have chosen as my concern, in the foregoing, is not a rough survey of conceptions of human nature--whether man is good, bad, or indifferent; a rational creature or essentially a sentient one; whether man's nature has ever been the same' or whether 'man makes himself', creatively. Rather, I am interested in what 'motivates' man, I am searching for a universal principle through which we may 'understand' why man does what he does, why man is what he is. Obviously, however, the commitment we make in regard to a theory of human motivation will itself necessarily be found to entail a corresponding view of human nature. Confronted with this impressive variety of interpretations, I don't know if I am able to offer a comparable general principle, but I shall try. In a word, that principle is loneliness. Thus, I wish to hold that once man has satisfied his more obviously physiological and biologic drives and comfortably secured the necessities of air, water, and food, he then strives to alleviate his desperate loneliness. It is not so much, then, a fact--correcting Jung, for instance--that we are to be dichotomized into extroverts and introverts, but rather that we all begin by aspiring toward human communion and affection and friendship but that, unfortunately, many of us fail; we who fail are the frustrated extroverts, the retreating introverts; if we cannot enjoy the company of others and command from them the recognition we (abnormally) feel for ourselves, well, then we shall cultivate our own company.

Culture↗