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PubMed1995

The class analysis of poverty.

To understand more fully the nature of poverty it must be viewed as the result, in part, of inherent features of the social system. The author describes four general approaches to explaining poverty: poverty as a result of inherent individual attributes, as the by-product of contingent individual characteristics, as a by-product of social causes, and as a result of inherent properties of the social system. He then elaborates a class exploitation analysis of poverty by explaining how economic oppression, economic exploitation, and class generate a social system in which poverty plays a crucial functional role. The general problem of poverty must be broken down into two subproblems: poverty generated inside exploitative relations (the working poor) and poverty generated by nonexploitative oppression (the underclass). A class analysis of poverty argues that significant numbers of privileged people have a strong, positive material interest in maintaining poverty. Poverty can be reduced in the United States only through popular mobilization of pressure that challenges the power of the dominant classes.

Health Services Accessibility↗

PubMedDate not supplied

The dynamics of childhood poverty.

Child poverty rates have remained high since the middle of the 1970s. While several trends, including declines in the number of children per family and increases in parental years of schooling, worked to reduce child poverty rates, several others, including show economic growth, widening economic inequality, and increases in the proportion of children living in mother-only families, had the opposite effect, pushing more children into poverty. Poverty is a common risk: One-third of all children will be poor for at least one year. For many, poverty lasts only a short while, but for a small percentage, poverty persists both throughout childhood and into the adult years. Poverty is not shared equally across different demographic groups. African-American children. Latino children, and children in mother-only families are disproportionately poor. Long-term poverty is even more concentrated than single-year poverty. In 1992, almost 90% of long-term poor children were African-American as compared to all poor children (single-year and long-term poor), of whom 60% were white. Both family structure and the labor market are implicated in long-term childhood poverty. Changes in employment of family members and changes in family composition are each strongly associated with transitions into and out of childhood poverty. Of these, changes in employment are the most important.

Adolescent↗

PubMedDate not supplied

The effects of poverty on children.

Although hundreds of studies have documented the association between family poverty and children's health, achievement, and behavior, few measure the effects of the timing, depth, and duration of poverty on children, and many fail to adjust for other family characteristics (for example, female headship, mother's age, and schooling) that may account for much of the observed correlation between poverty and child outcomes. This article focuses on a recent set of studies that explore the relationship between poverty and child outcomes in depth. By and large, this research supports the conclusion that family income has selective but, in some instances, quite substantial effects on child and adolescent well-being. Family income appears to be more strongly related to children's ability and achievement than to their emotional outcomes. Children who live in extreme poverty or who live below the poverty line for multiple years appear, all other things being equal, to suffer the worst outcomes. The timing of poverty also seems to be important for certain child outcomes. Children who experience poverty during their preschool and early school years have lower rates of school completion than children and adolescents who experience poverty only in later years. Although more research is needed on the significance of the timing of poverty on child outcomes, findings to date suggest that interventions during early childhood may be most important in reducing poverty's impact on children.

Adolescent↗

PubMed1997

Poverty and health in West Germany.

The relationship between poverty and several health-related characteristics in West Germany was investigated. Data were derived from the National and Regional Health Surveys conducted in West Germany from 1984 to 1992. 25,544 males and 25,719 females with German nationality aged 25-69 years were examined. Poverty was defined as a household income of 50% less than the mean for West Germany. Multiple logistic regression analysis was used to analyze the relationship between poverty and four health variables: individual health behavior, subjective assessment of health status, cardiovascular disease risk factors, and self-reported prevalence of lifetime chronic diseases. 10.2% of males and 12.8% of females were classified as being below the poverty line. For most but not all health parameters, less favourable results were found for the segment of the population with a household income below the poverty line. The most striking poverty-related differences were observed for lack of regular sport activities, subjective health satisfaction, obesity and myocardial infarction/stroke. Significantly lower prevalence rates for study subjects below the poverty line were observed for hypercholesterolemia in females only. Allergic disorders were the only chronic diseases reported significantly less often in males and females below the poverty line. Poverty has strong effects on individual health status and the prevalence of chronic diseases. Due to the rising unemployment rates in Germany in the last years it is very likely that the strong negative consequences of poverty for health are increasing.

Adult↗

PubMed2006

The rising prevalence of severe poverty in America: a growing threat to public health.

BACKGROUND: The U.S. poverty rate has increased since 2000, but the depth of poverty experienced by Americans has been inadequately studied. Of particular concern is whether severe poverty is increasing, a trend that would carry important public health implications. METHODS: Income-to-poverty (I/P) ratios and income deficits/surpluses were examined for the 1990-2004 period. The severely poor, moderately poor, and near-poor were classified as those with I/P ratios of less than 0.5, 0.5 to 1.0, or 1.0 to 2.0, respectively. Income deficits/surpluses were classified relative to the poverty threshold as Tier I (deficit Dollars 8000 or more), Tier II (deficit or surplus less than Dollars 8000), or Tier III (surplus more than Dollars 8000). Odds ratios for severe poverty and Tier I were also calculated. RESULTS: Severe poverty increased between 2000 and 2004-those with I/P ratios of less than 0.5 grew by 20%, and Tier I grew by 45% to 55%-while the prevalence of higher levels of income diminished. The population in severe poverty was over-represented by children (odds ratio [OR] = 1.69, confidence interval [CI] = 1.63-1.75), African Americans (OR = 2.84, CI = 2.74-2.95), and Hispanics (OR = 1.64, CI = 1.58-1.71). CONCLUSIONS: From 2000 to 2004, the prevalence of severe poverty increased sharply while the proportion of Americans in higher income tiers diminished. These trends have broad societal implications. Likely health consequences include a higher prevalence of chronic illnesses, more frequent and severe disease complications, and increased demands and costs for healthcare services. Adverse effects on children warrant special concern. The growth in the number of Americans living in poverty calls for the re-examination of policies enacted in recent years to foster economic progress.

Adolescent↗

PubMed1997

Poverty status and cigarette smoking prevalence and cessation in the United States, 1983-1993: the independent risk of being poor.

OBJECTIVE: To analyse the independent relations between poverty status and cigarette smoking prevalence and cessation in the United States, 1983-1993. DESIGN: An analysis of eight cross-sectional national surveys. SETTING: The United States, 1983-1993. PARTICIPANTS: 236,311 civilian, non-institutionalised adult residents of the United States, aged 18 years and older. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES: Probability of current cigarette smoking and proportion of former smokers among ever-smokers (quit ratio) in surveyed subjects below the poverty threshold, compared with those at or above the poverty threshold. RESULTS: The odds ratio for current smoking among persons below the poverty threshold ranged from a low of 1.10 in 1985 to a high of 1.45 in 1990, and remained between 1.26 and 1.30 during 1991-1993. The odds ratio for smoking cessation (quit ratio) among persons below the poverty threshold ranged from 0.81 in 1985 to 0.64 in 1991, and remained between 0.73 and 0.66 during 1991-1993. These measures of the relations between poverty status and smoking were derived using multiple logistic regression models, which adjusted for the effects of sex, age, education, race, employment status, marital status, and geographic region. CONCLUSIONS: Persons below the poverty threshold continue to be more likely than those at or above the threshold both to be current smokers and not to have quit. Poverty may be an indicator of underparticipation in the changing social norms regarding smoking behaviour in recent years. Individuals below the poverty threshold may need focused efforts to help achieve the Healthy People 2000 objectives for reducing adult smoking prevalence. Further understanding of the relation between poverty and smoking is essential to develop effective programmes for this vulnerable population subgroup.

Adult↗

PubMedDate not supplied

Poverty, health, and nutrition in Germany.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate the relation between poverty and several variables describing health and nutrition behavior in East Germany and West Germany. METHODS: Data are from the third National Health Survey in West Germany and the first Health Survey for the new federal states of Germany (1991/92). Both health surveys included a self-administered questionnaire ascertaining sociodemographic variables, smoking history, nutritional behavior (using a food-frequency list), physical activity, and a medical examination comprising measurements of height, weight, blood pressure, and blood sampling for serum cholesterol determination. Participants included 4958 subjects in the West Survey and 2186 subjects in the East Survey aged 25-69 years, with a respective net response rate of 69.0% and 70.2%. Poverty was defined as a household equivalence income of 62.5% or less of the median income of the general population. RESULTS: The lowest income group (poverty or near poverty) comprised 11.6% of East German versus 15.9% of West German males and 14.8% of East German versus 19.3% of West German females. For most but not all health and nutrition parameters, less favorable results were obtained for subjects with an equivalence income below or near poverty. The most striking poverty-related differences regarding cardiovascular disease risk factors were found for lack of regular exercise for both genders and obesity in females. No poverty-related differences were found for the prevalence of hypercholesterolemia, despite a much higher prevalence of obesity in persons with an income below the poverty line. Current nutritional behavior and changes in nutritional behavior during the last three years was strongly related to income status, with a more unhealthy status for low-income population groups in both East and West Germany. CONCLUSIONS: In Germany, poverty has strong effects on individual health status and nutritional behavior. Because of rising unemployment rates and reductions in social security payments for low-income groups, it is likely that the negative consequences of poverty on health are increasing.

Adult↗

PubMed1989

The feminization of poverty: myth or reality?

The feminization of poverty is a widely discussed concept in the mass media, and in academic circles, which captures the following facts: there are more poor women than poor men, and women are more likely to fall into poverty because of gender-related factors. In this article, I examine the concept's empirical basis and theoretical significance. The data show that poverty among men increased faster than poverty among women during the 1980-81 recession. While the sex composition of the poverty population has remained relatively unchanged since 1966, its age composition has changed: poverty has increased substantially among working men and women aged 18 to 44. Also, the higher proportion of women in the poverty population cannot be considered simply an effect of male privilege; on the contrary, it may be partially accounted for by higher mortality rates among working-class men. Theoretically, I argue that the meaning of these trends cannot be established using only age and sex categories of analysis. The trends document the progressive immiseration of the working class. Younger workers of both sexes today are worse off than older workers. A discussion of poverty purely in terms of the age, sex, or racial/ethnic composition of the poverty population hides the roots of poverty in the mode of production and succeeds in obfuscating the issues, fueling conflict between men and women, young and old, and white and nonwhite. Only by taking into account the class relations that structure people's life chances is it possible to understand the significance of present trends.

Adolescent↗

PubMedDate not supplied

[Poverty in Mexico. II. Magnitude].

This is the second part of a research report on the evolution and magnitude of poverty in Mexico. Application of the Integrated Poverty Measurement Method, explained in the first part of this report, shows a poverty headcount ratio (H) of 70.6% and an extreme poverty H of 44.7%. H turns out higher by the UBN (Unsatisfied Basic Needs) method than by the PLT (Poverty Line plus working time) approach. The poverty gap or poverty intensity (I), is for all poor 0.44 but reaches 0.58 for the extremely poor. Both H and I are substantially higher in the rural than in the urban areas. UBN poverty gap is bigger than the PLT gap. When UBN is disaggregated into its components, deprivation turns out the highest in health care and social security. Degree of poverty calculations (HI), the product of H and I, which constitute a good basis for anti-poverty expenditures allocation, show that despite the fact that a larger number of poor persons live in the urban areas, the number of equivalent poor people is higher in the rural areas.

Humans↗

PubMed1993

Exploring the use of the public's views to set income poverty thresholds and adjust them over time.

This study considers how the views of the public at large may be used to define the poverty income level. The basic data for the study come from routine Gallup surveys conducted since the beginning of the post-World War II period that asked representative samples of adults in the United States to estimate the smallest amount of money that a family of four needs to "get along." Additional Gallup surveys undertaken in 1989 established the income corresponding to the poverty level using a similar approach. The author constructs a set of poverty thresholds, covering the post-World War II period, based on the single point-in-time poverty/get-along income relationship in 1989 and the full get-along series. Comparison of this set of thresholds with an alternative poverty series that is consistent with the Federal Government's official poverty measure yields three principal findings: (1) a poverty level consistent with the official measure was a good deal higher than the Gallup-based poverty threshold in the immediate post-World War II period, (2) the income level of the official measure was likely consistent with the public's views about the poverty level at the time when the official measure was introduced, and (3) since the late 1960's and the early 1970's, the income level of the official measure has fallen increasingly below the Gallup-based poverty threshold until 1989 when the official measure was 20 percent below the Gallup series. It is suggested that the two series have diverged over time because the views of the public about poverty level income have responded to increases in real income that have occurred since World War II while the official measure has remained fixed in real terms.

Data Collection↗

PubMed2005

Time on my side? Life course trajectories of poverty and health.

This study examines the relationship between poverty and health in time. Following the argument that time is significant for shaping the experience of being poor or not poor and growing evidence of heterogeneity in long-term patterns of poverty, we investigate whether different kinds of poverty have distinct consequences for long-term health. Using data from the 1968-1996 annual waves of the United States Panel Study of Income Dynamics Data, we estimate a general growth mixture model to assess the relationship between the longitudinal courses of poverty and health. The model allows us to first estimate latent poverty classes in the data and then determine their effects on latent self-rated health. Four types of long-term poverty patterns characterized as stable nonpoor, exiting poverty, entering poverty and stable poor were evident in the data. These different kinds of poverty affected self-rated health trajectories in distinct ways, but worked in concert with age, education and race to create gaps in initial health status that were constant over time.

Adult↗

PubMed2000

Does social policy matter? Poverty cycles in OECD countries.

Traditionally, poverty was linked to an individual's family phase. This article examines to what extent poverty cycles are still apparent in OECD countries. By combining data on social policy programs and data on income distribution, the authors compare trends between nations. The main question is, how successful have various sociopolitical solutions been in eliminating poverty? Here the focus is on family policy and pensions. Improvements in social policies have impacts on poverty cycles in all countries. In most countries poverty among the elderly has declined, and the young have replaced the old as the lowest income group. In many countries the poverty cycles have flattened out, and life phase is no longer as important as it used to be. Some differences between nations remain, however. High poverty rates among families continue to be an Anglo-American problem, and improvements in this area have been only marginal. Social policy provisions are important for explaining both cross-national variation in poverty and changes over time. The impact is clearest among pensioners. Family-related poverty is lowest in countries that have combined cash benefits with public child-care services that facilitate parents' participation in the labor market.

Adult↗

PubMed2004

The familial technique for linking maternal death with poverty.

BACKGROUND: Recognition of the synergy between health and poverty is now apparent in the development strategies of many low-income countries, and markers are needed to monitor progress towards poverty-relevant goals. Maternal mortality has been proposed as a possible candidate but evidence is lacking on the link with poverty at the level of individuals. We introduce a new approach to exploring the relation--the familial technique. METHODS: We used data from 11 household surveys in ten developing countries to create percentage distributions of women according to their poverty-related characteristics and survival status (alive, non-maternal death, maternal death). These women were identified as the sisters of the adult female respondents in the surveys, and were assigned the same poverty status as their respondent sibling. FINDINGS: The analysis showed significant associations, across a diverse set of countries, between women's poverty status (proxied by educational level, source of water, and type of toilet and floor) and survival. These associations indicated a gradient within and across the survival categories. With increasing poverty, the proportion of women dying of non-maternal causes generally increased, and the proportion dying of maternal causes increased consistently. Further analysis reported here for one of the countries--Indonesia, revealed that about 32-34% of the maternal deaths occurred among women from the poorest quintile of the population. The risk of maternal death in this country was around 3-4 times greater in the poorest than the richest group. INTERPRETATION: This new method makes efficient use of existing survey data to explore the relation between maternal mortality and poverty, and has wider potential for examining the poor-rich gap.

Adult↗

PubMed2006

Effect of payments for health care on poverty estimates in 11 countries in Asia: an analysis of household survey data.

BACKGROUND: Conventional estimates of poverty do not take account of out-of-pocket payments to finance health care. We aimed to reassess measures of poverty in 11 low-to-middle income countries in Asia by calculating total household resources both with and without out-of-pocket payments for health care. METHODS: We obtained data on payments for health care from nationally representative surveys, and subtracted these payments from total household resources. We then calculated the number of individuals with less than the internationally accepted threshold of absolute poverty (US1 dollar per head per day) after making health payments. We also assessed the effect of health-care payments on the poverty gap--the amount by which household resources fell short of the 1 dollar poverty line in these countries. FINDINGS: Our estimate of the overall prevalence of absolute poverty in these countries was 14% higher than conventional estimates that do not take account of out-of-pocket payments for health care. We calculated that an additional 2.7% of the population under study (78 million people) ended up with less than 1 dollar per day after they had paid for health care. In Bangladesh, China, India, Nepal, and Vietnam, where more than 60% of health-care costs are paid out-of-pocket by households, our estimates of poverty were much higher than conventional figures, ranging from an additional 1.2% of the population in Vietnam to 3.8% in Bangladesh. INTERPRETATION: Out-of-pocket health payments exacerbate poverty. Policies to reduce the number of Asians living on less than 1 dollar per day need to include measures to reduce such payments.

Asia↗

PubMed2006

The effects of antipoverty programs on children's cumulative level of poverty-related risk.

The authors examined the effects of antipoverty programs on children's cumulative poverty-related risk and the relationship between cumulative poverty-related risk and child outcomes among low-income families. Samples included 419 children ages 3-10 years in the New Hope program and 759 children ages 2-9 years in the Minnesota Family Investment Program (MFIP), which tested 2 program approaches. Nine poverty-related risks made up the measure of cumulative risk. Both MFIP program approaches reduced cumulative poverty-related risk. New Hope reduced cumulative poverty-related risk among long-term welfare recipients. In both New Hope and MFIP, significant linear relationships between cumulative poverty-related risk and parent-reported behavior problems and school achievement were found. Cumulative poverty-related risk partially mediated the impacts of the MFIP programs on children's behavior problems. Among long-term welfare recipients, cumulative poverty-related risk partially mediated New Hope's impact on parent-reported school achievement.

Child↗

PubMed2001

Childhood poverty, early motherhood and adult social exclusion.

Childhood poverty and early parenthood are both high on the current political agenda. The key new issue that this research addresses is the relative importance of childhood poverty and of early motherhood as correlates of outcomes later in life. How far are the 'effects' of early motherhood on later outcomes due to childhood precursors, especially experience of childhood poverty? Subsidiary questions relate to the magnitude of these associations, the particular levels of childhood poverty that prove most critical, and whether, as often assumed, only teenage mothers are subsequently disadvantaged, or are those who have their first birth in their early twenties similarly disadvantaged? The source of data for this study is the National Child Development Study. We examine outcomes at age 33 for several domains of adult social exclusion: welfare, socio-economic, physical health, emotional well-being and demographic behaviour. We control for a wide range of childhood factors: poverty; social class of origin and of father; mother's and father's school leaving age; family structure; housing tenure; mother's and father's interest in education; personality attributes; performance on educational tests; and contact with the police by age 16. There are clear associations for the adult outcomes with age at first birth, even after controlling for childhood poverty and the other childhood background factors. Moreover, we demonstrate that the widest gulf in adult outcomes occurs for those who enter motherhood early (before age 23), though further reinforced by teenage motherhood for most adult outcomes. We also show that any experience of childhood poverty is clearly associated with adverse outcomes in adulthood, with reinforcement for higher levels of childhood poverty for a few outcomes.

Adolescent↗

PubMed2001

Residential proximity to industrial sources of air pollution: interrelationships among race, poverty, and age.

This study builds on earlier work investigating statistical relationships between sociodemographic characteristics of populations and their residential proximity to industrial sources of air pollution. The analysis uses demographic data from the 1990 U.S. Census and industrial site data from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)'s 1990 Toxics Release Inventory (TRI). The focus is on examining interactions among race (African Americans and Whites), poverty (above and below household poverty threshold), and age (children from birth to 5 years of age and elderly people 65 years old or older). Results from three different study areas (Kanawha Valley in West Virginia, the Baton Rouge-New Orleans Corridor in Louisiana, and the greater Baltimore metropolitan area in Maryland) suggest there are important interactions among race, poverty, and age that are likely to have consequential ramifications for efforts aimed at investigating issues related to environmental justice. Our results indicate that a substantial proportion of all demographic groups studied live within a mile of the nearest facility, with values ranging from 22% of Whites above poverty in the Baton Rouge-New Orleans Corridor to 60% of African Americans below poverty in Baltimore. Likewise, a substantial proportion of all demographic groups also live within 2 miles of four or more industrial facilities, with values ranging from 16% for Whites above poverty in the Corridor to 70% for African Americans below poverty in Baltimore. In all three study areas, African Americans were more likely than Whites to (1) live in households with incomes below the household poverty line, (2) have children 5 years of age or younger, (3) live closer to the nearest industrial emissions source, and (4) live within 2 miles of multiple industrial emission sources. Findings indicate that, compared with White children, a substantially higher proportion of African-American children 5 years of age or younger lived in poor households that were located in relatively close proximity to one or more industrial sources of air pollution.

Adolescent↗

PubMed1999

Estimating the proportion of Americans ever experiencing poverty during their elderly years.

OBJECTIVES: This study estimates the age-specific and cumulative proportions of American adults who will experience poverty at some point during their elderly years. These life-span proportions represent a substantially different approach to understanding poverty than calculating either yearly cross-sectional rates or poverty spell durations. METHODS: Our estimations are derived through a series of life tables built upon 25 waves of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID). RESULTS: The analyses indicate that 40% of America's elderly population will experience a year below the poverty line at some point between the ages of 60 and 90, and 48% of elders will experience poverty at the 125% level. The data further reveal that this life-span risk of poverty has remained relatively stable throughout the period of data collection (1968-1992). Finally, the likelihood of elderly Americans ever encountering a year below the poverty line increases dramatically for those who are Black, not married, and/or who have less than 12 years of education. DISCUSSION: Our results suggest that in spite of relatively low cross-sectional rates of elderly poverty in America, the likelihood of impoverishment at some point during the later years of life remains a very real possibility.

Aged↗