Stereotyped and non-stereotyped behaviour in rats induced by various stimulant drugs.
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Captive animals have been observed to perform a variety of stereotypic behaviors. However, little is known about stereotypic behavior in prosimians. We sent surveys to 96 AZA-accredited institutions to examine stereotypic behavior in these primates. Forty-eight surveys were returned, providing information on 440 individuals of 10 genera. According to the responses, 13.2% of the prosimians surveyed exhibited some form of stereotypic behavior. Pacing was the most common behavior. A logistic regression was used to examine intrinsic characteristics that might influence the performance of stereotypic behavior. The genus of the prosimian was a significant predictor of stereotypic behavior. Individuals of the genus Varecia and Microcebuswere more likely to engage in stereotypic behavior than members of the other genera. Rearing history, age, and sex were not significant predictors of stereotypic behavior. To examine the influence of extrinsic variables on stereotypic behavior, we transformed the data into the percentage of individuals within the enclosure that were reported to exhibit stereotypic behavior, and analyzed them at the enclosure level using a general linear model (GLM) analysis of variance (ANOVA). The only environmental variable that significantly predicted stereotypic behavior was the frequency with which enrichment was provided. Frequent enrichment was provided to those exhibits with a higher percentage of prosimians that engaged in stereotypic behavior. The results of this survey suggest that stereotypic behavior in prosimians may be associated with intrinsic factors (i.e., individual or genus differences) in addition to extrinsic factors related to housing. This knowledge may be helpful in identifying the causes of and effective treatments for stereotypic behavior in prosimians.
OBJECTIVE: To assess familial links in fat stereotypes and predictors of stereotypes among girls and their parents. RESEARCH METHODS AND PROCEDURES: Fat stereotypes were assessed using a questionnaire developed for this study. Participants indicated the extent to which they agreed with nine statements about thin people (e.g., thin people are smart) and the same statements about fat people (e.g., fat people are smart). Predictors of fat stereotypes that were examined include weight status (BMI; girls and parents), education (parents), income (parents), self-investment in physical appearance (parents), maladaptive eating attitudes (girls), and parenting practices and peer interactions focused on body shape and weight loss (girls). RESULTS: Girls and parents exhibited fat stereotypes. Fathers who were more educated and had a higher family income were more likely to endorse fat stereotypes, as were mothers and fathers with a high investment in their physical appearance. Although no associations were found between girls' and parents' fat stereotypes, girls were more likely to endorse fat stereotypes when interactions with parents and peers focused on body shape and weight loss. Girls were also more likely to endorse fat stereotypes when they reported higher levels of maladaptive eating attitudes. No associations were found between weight status and fat stereotypes. DISCUSSION: Although there was no association between girls' and parents' fat stereotypes, girls were more likely to express negative attitudes about obesity and obese persons when parenting practices and interactions with peers promoted a lean body type, suggesting that there may be an implicit link between the lean ideal and fat stereotypes.
The purpose of this study was to focus on the context of stereotypes of gay men, and how sex differences and social contact influence the stereotypic and counter-stereotypic attributes of them. To do that, 77 female and 106 male heterosexual undergraduate students participated in the study. The participants filled out a rating scale. The findings of the study demonstrated that male participants defined male homosexuals by using more stereotypic, less counter-stereotypic attributes, while female participants used less stereotypic and more counter-stereotypic attributes to define gay men. In the same way, participants who hadn't had any social contact with any homosexuals used more stereotypic and less counter-stereotypic attributes, while others who had had social contact with at least a homosexual defined gay men by using less stereotypic and more counter-stereotypic attributes. Both male participants and participants who hadn't had social contact with any homosexuals used more negative stereotypes than both females and participants who at least had had social contact with a homosexual. The findings were discussed in terms of gender-based judgments of gay men.
Developmental intergroup theory specifies the mechanisms and rules that govern the processes by which children single out groups as targets of stereotyping and prejudice, and by which children learn and construct both the characteristics (i.e., stereotypes) and affective responses (i.e., prejudices) that are associated with these groups in their culture. Specifically, we argue that children have a drive to understand their world, and that this drive is manifested in their tendency to classify natural and non-natural stimuli into categories, and to search the environment for cues about which of the great number of potential bases for categorization are important. The first step in the process of stereotype and prejudice formation is, therefore, the establishment of the psychological salience of some particular set of dimensions. Four factors are hypothesized to affect the establishment of the psychological salience of person attributes: (1) perceptual discriminability of social groups, (2) proportional group size, (3) explicit labeling and use of social groups, and (4) implicit use of social groups. We argue that person characteristics that are perceptually discriminable are more likely than other characteristics to become the basis of stereotyping, but that perceptual discriminability alone is insufficient to trigger psychological salience. Thus, for example, young children's ability to detect race or gender does not mean that these distinctions will inevitably become the bases of stereotypes and prejudice. Instead, for perceptually salient groups to become psychologically salient, one or more additional circumstances must hold, including being characterized by minority status, by adults' use of different labels for different groups, by adults using group divisions functionally, or by segregation. After a particular characteristic that may be used to differentiate among individuals becomes salient, we propose that children who have the ability to sort consistently will then categorize newly encountered individuals along this dimension. The act of categorization then triggers the process of social stereotyping and prejudice formation. Four factors are hypothesized to have an impact on the processes of forming stereotypes and prejudice. These include: (1) essentialism, (2) ingroup bias, (3) explicit attributions to social groups, and (4) group-attribute covariation. As noted throughout this chapter, there has been relatively little developmental work on many of the processes outlined here. Although findings from our own programs of research are consistent with the role of factors we have identified in the theory (e.g., the role of minority status, segregation, labeling and functional use of groups have all been shown to influence children's evaluations and beliefs about social groups), far more extensive research is needed. In addition to testing the reliability and generalizability of past findings to other samples, other research laboratories, and other experimentally manipulated groups, future work must move these theoretical models into the laboratory of the real world. If the tenets of developmental intergroup theory are correct, there would be many implications for social, educational, and legal policies related to social groups. We noted, for example, ways in which race and gender are made psychologically salient (e.g., the use of labels; segregated conditions). Importantly, factors such as these are largely under societal control. That is, institutions and individuals can choose to routinely label and use some particular category within children's environments or not. It is a violation of federal law, for example, for public school teachers to ask the children in their classrooms to line up at the door by race. In contrast, no federal or state law prohibits teachers from organizing their classrooms by sex. Should such laws be enacted? There can also be social controls on various forms of social segregation. Is it within individual children's rights to affiliate only with same-sex or same-race individuals? Is it acceptable for children and adolescents to exclude peers from their games, play, study groups, or other cliques on the basis of gender, race, age, or ethnicity? Finally, social institutions such as schools offer potential opportunities for intervention programs. What, if any, programs should be offered or required? Should curricula explicitly discuss social stereotyping and prejudice? Should children be taught negative information about people with whom they share some characteristic to reduce ingroup favoritism? Our hope is that developmental intergroup theory will ultimately prove valuable not only for understanding the development of social stereotypes and prejudices in children, but also for guiding social interventions that can ultimately prevent the development of stereotypes and prejudices in individuals and society.
Previous studies indicate that mental health professionals, when evaluating the mental health of males and females, sex role stereotype to the disparagement of females. Some feminists have further assumed that male therapists in particular discourage self-actualization of females, and have argued that female patients should be seen by female therapists only. This study examined the major hypothesis that among both male and female therapists and among both male and female patients, there may be identifiable kinds of therapists and patients who sex role stereotype more than others. A total of 240 subjects (male and female) were recruited from three populations: professional psychotherapists, medical and nursing students, and psychiatric patients. Each subject was administered an A-B therapist scale and a sex role stereotyping questionnaire. Analysis of variance of this 3 x 2 x 3 factorial study revealed: a) patient groups stereotyped significantly more than professional therapist groups (p less than .01), with student groups stereotyping intermediately; b) within each major group, male subjects stereotyped significantly more than their female counterparts (p less than .01); and c) within each male group and within each female group, A status subjects stereotyped significantly more than B status subjects (p less than .01), with AB status subjects stereotyping intermediately. Previous research has indicated that A status psychotherapists are more effective in treating schizophrenic disorders, while B status therapists are more effective in treating neurotic disorders. Since our results reveal a strong relationship between A-B status and degree of stereotyping, our discussion explores the possibility of differentially matching psychotherapists and patients in order to maximize therapeutic potential. Matching could be done according to complementary differences between psychotherapist and patient (in terms of A-B status and sex role stereotyping) or according to similarities between psychotherapist and patient, depending on whether reconstructive or supportive therapy is the objective. Sex of patient and therapist as well as diagnosis of the patient are other variables considered in the model for maximizing the therapeutic potential.
Considerable recent research has examined the effects that activated stereotypes have on behavior. Research on both self-stereotype activation and other-stereotype activation has tended to show that people behave in ways consistent with the stereotype (e.g., walking more slowly if the elderly stereotype is activated). Interestingly, however, the dominant account for the behavioral effects of self-stereotype activation involves a hot motivational factor (i.e., stereotype threat), whereas the dominant account for the behavioral effects of other-stereotype activation focuses on a rather cold cognitive explanation (i.e., ideomotor processes). The current review compares and contrasts the behavioral research on self- and other-stereotype activation and concludes that both motivational and cognitive explanations might account for effects in each domain.
Many concepts have stereotypes. This leaves open the question of whether concepts are stereotypes. It has been argued elsewhere that theories that identify concepts with their stereotypes or with stereotypical properties of their instances (e.g., Rosch, E. (1978). Principles of categorization. In E. Rosch & B. B. Lloyd (Ed.), Cognition and Categorization. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates; Smith, E. E., Medin, D. L. (1981). Categories and Concepts. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.) fail to provide an adequate account of the compositionality of concepts (Fodor, J., Lepore, E. (1996). The red herring and the pet fish: Why concepts still cannot be prototypes. Cognition, 58, 253-270.; Fodor, J. (1998). Concepts: Where cognitive science went wrong. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.). This paper extends this argument and reports an experiment suggesting that participants do not assume, even as a default strategy, that complex concepts inherit the stereotypes of their constituents. Thus propositions such as "Baby ducks have webbed feet" were judged to be less likely to be true than propositions like "Ducks have webbed feet." Moreover, manipulation of the type and number of noun phrase modifiers revealed a systematic departure from the unmodified noun's stereotype both with the addition of stereotypical modifiers ("Quacking ducks have webbed feet" versus "Ducks have webbed feet") and with the addition of a second modifier ("Baby Peruvian ducks have webbed feet" versus "Baby ducks have webbed feet"). Thus, in the general case the stereotypical properties of a head noun are systematically discounted when that head noun combines with modifiers. This effect represents a general principle of conceptual combination that argues against the inheritance of stereotypical features of concepts as a default strategy. Instead, we advocate a model of conceptual combination where concepts remain inert under combination, supported by a separate machinery that introduces pragmatic and knowledge-dependent inferences.
PURPOSE: This study examined weight stereotypes among White and Hispanic youth. Specific objectives were to: (a) document stereotyped beliefs about fat vs. thin peers; (b) examine the extent to which stereotyped beliefs contribute to behavioral intentions toward fat vs. thin peers; and (c) explore potential differences in weight stereotypes and behavioral intentions in White and Hispanic youth. METHODS: Participants, 157 Hispanic and 117 White middle school students, completed a demographic and background survey, the Fat Stereotypes Questionnaire (FSQ), Adjective Checklist, and Shared Activities Questionnaire (SAQ). RESULTS: Participants endorsed weight-related stereotypes, which were predictive of their social, academic, and recreation behavioral intentions. Participants indicated greater willingness to engage in social (p < .001), academic (p < .05), and recreational (p < .001) activities with thin vs. fat peers. Few differences were found between White and Hispanic adolescents. CONCLUSIONS: The results of this study highlight the ubiquitous nature of stereotyped beliefs about fat youth. Fat youth are considered unhealthy, lazy, and socially inept by their peers. Such stereotypes influence a variety of behavioral intentions and may contribute to discriminatory behaviors and difficult peer relationships. Additional research focused on weight stereotypes and peer relationships is needed.
This research examines self-stereotyping in the context of multiple social identities and shows that self-stereotyping is a function of stereotyped expectancies held in particular relationships. Participants reported how others evaluated their math and verbal ability and how they viewed their own ability when their gender or ethnicity was salient. Asian American women (Experiment 1) and European Americans (Experiment 2) exhibited knowledge of stereotyped social expectancies and corresponding self-stereotyping associated with their more salient identity. African Americans (Experiment 3) exhibited some knowledge of stereotyped social expectancies but no corresponding self-stereotyping. Correlational evidence and a 4th experiment suggest that self-stereotyping is mediated by the degree to which close others are perceived to endorse stereotypes as applicable to the self.
We examined whether aging self-stereotypes, or older individuals' beliefs about elderly people, can influence cardiovascular function. Older individuals were subliminally exposed to either positive or negative aging stereotypes. Then all participants faced mathematical and verbal challenges. Those exposed to the negative aging stereotypes demonstrated a heightened cardiovascular response to stress, measured by systolic blood pressure, diastolic blood pressure, and heart rate, compared with those exposed to positive aging stereotypes. The aging stereotypes appeared to influence the outcome variable of skin conductance in the same way. It appears that the negative aging stereotypes acted as direct stressors, whereas the positive aging stereotypes reduced cardiovascular stress. These findings indicate that negative aging stereotypes may contribute to adverse health outcomes in elderly persons without their awareness. The results also suggest that positive aging stereotypes could be used in interventions to reduce cardiovascular stress.
What happens when people discover that they are members of a group about which they have previously formed some stereotype? To address this question, procedures previously shown to induce negative stereotypes of minority groups were combined with a social categorization manipulation. Participants in a distinctiveness-based illusory correlation paradigm (Hamilton & Gifford, 1976) either knew nothing about their group membership, or learned that they were a member of the minority group or the majority group either before or after being presented the stereotype-engendering stimulus materials. Results revealed that social categorization into the minority group before stimulus presentation eliminated the perceived stereotype and reversed the evaluative bias, whereas social categorization into the minority group after stimulus presentation had no effect on the perceived stereotype and only a weak effect in reducing the evaluative bias. Social categorization into the majority group either before or after stimulus presentation had little effect on the perceived stereotype and evaluative bias. These results clarify the process underlying the influence of social categorization on stereotype formation, underscore the distinction between affective and cognitive influences on stereotype formation and stereotype change, and offer insights into 'autostereotyping' among members of minority groups.
Normally developed children show many diverse patterns of behaviour. By contrast, the behaviour of severely mentally retarded children is restricted mainly to primitive motor acts called stereotypes. Due to the severity of the mental retardation, these children are also markedly reduced in their susceptibility to environmental influences. Systematic observations of the pathological motor patterns of these children make it feasible to investigate possible endogenous mechanisms related to these primitive motor activities. The stereotyped motor behaviours of six severely mentally handicapped children were observed continuously for several days. Each child performed at least two forms of stereotyped behaviour. Using spectra of variance and cross-correlation analysis, the data were investigated with respect to underlying periodicities. A 2.5-hour cycle was consistently found in every stereotyped activity observed. Furthermore, stable phase relationships were revealed between the periodic variations of different stereotyped movements in one and the same child. Thus the temporal courses of hand and oral stereotypes were synchronous, whereas head and whole-body stereotypes were delayed by half a phase with respect to stereotyped hand waving. A possible relationship is discussed between the 2.5-hour periodicity of stereotyped behaviour and Kleitman's "Basic Rest Activity Cycle".
The Sex Stereotype Measure II (SSM II), a 32-item revision of the Williams, Bennett, and Best Sex Stereotype Measure, was developed to assess children's knowledge of conventional, sex-trait stereotypes defined by American university students. The procedure employed brief stories and human figure silhouettes which were individually administered to 5- and 8-year-old children in the United States, England, and Ireland and group administered to 11-year-olds in the United States. In the United States, knowledge of sex-trait stereotypes was found to develop in a linear fashion between the ages of 5 and 11, with more male traits than female traits being known at each age level. Cross-nationally, there was a high degree of similarity in the nature of the sex stereotypes being learned by the children in the 3 countries, although the rate of learning appeared slower among the Irish children. In all countries there was a clear progression in sex-stereotype learning from age 5 to age 8. English boys had greater knowledge of stereotypes than English girls, but this was not true in Ireland and the United States. Generally, knowledge of male stereotype traits appeared to develop earlier while knowledge of the female traits increased more rapidly between ages 5 and 8. The similarity in sex-stereotype learning in the 3 countries is discussed, and studies in progress in other countries of greater cultural diversity are noted.
The behaviour of 36 Yorkshire X Netherlands Landrace sows was individually and continuously recorded during eleven, 5-min periods commencing at 10.00 h. The sows were neck tethered in partial stalls in the dry sow accomodation of a 250-sow, commercial herd. The recorded behaviour data were analysed for cycles of repetitive behaviour which appeared to be non-functional. Four classes of stereotyped behaviour were recognized: fixed complete routines, fixed subroutines, transitory and loose. They were performed during 25.8, 12.9, 4.9 and 2.7% of the observation time, respectively. Some aspects of the two fixed-class stereotypes were found to be related to stage of pregnancy, that is, time spent tethered in the current pregnancy. The proportion of observation time that sows performed fixed stereotypes, and the number of fixed stereotypes, increased per sow with increase in stage of pregnancy, although in the former instance, less time was spent performing the stereotypes after day 80 of pregnancy. Considerable variability was recorded in the stereotypes in terms of use of particular elements, duration of element use, etc., suggesting that the classical definition of stereotyped behaviour may only hold in situations where the environment is totally unchanging. The use of a quantitative approach to measure stereotypes in tethered sows provides the basis for investigation of cause and function of these behaviours, and therefore the interpretation of stereotypes in terms of sow welfare.
Stereotypic movements are repetitive patterns of movements whose physiopathology and relations to other neurobehavioural disorders are still only poorly understood. In this paper our aim is to distinguish between primary stereotypic movements, which are the sole manifestation of an anomaly, while the complementary examinations, except for those involving molecular genetics, are normal; associated stereotypic movements, when they meet primary disorder criteria but there are other coexisting independent neurological signs, that is to say, they are neither the cause nor the consequence of the movement disorder; and secondary stereotypic movements, when they are the consequence of a lesion or acquired neurological dysfunction. Examples of primary stereotypic movements include episodes of parasomnia, such as head rocking, in subjects who are otherwise normal, and stereotypic movements due to emotional disorders, severe environmental deprivation or in institutionalised infants. Examples of associated stereotypic movements are those observed in Rett syndrome, in subjects with sensory defects or with mental retardation due to a variety of causes. And as instances of secondary stereotypic movements we have those that can be seen in infinite like syndrome caused by congenital cerebellar lesions. The purpose of the classification is to lay the foundations for the identification of new syndromes, which would without a doubt facilitate research into their physiopathology, their aetiology and the possible therapeutic attitude to be adopted.
RATIONALE: The role of the environment in the sensitization of the stereotyped behavioral effects of apomorphine is unclear, since sensitization of this drug effect has either been difficult to demonstrate or has been shown to occur with a low but not a higher dose of apomorphine. OBJECTIVES: The present study was designed to determine whether sensitization of the stereotyped behavioral effects induced by a single dose of apomorphine is dependent on environmental context. METHODS: CF-1 mice were pretreated with apomorphine or vehicle under different environmental conditions and tested for stereotyped behavior after apomorphine challenge. Animals were scored positively for stereotyped behavior if they remained stationary and exhibited repetitive head and/or fore-limb movements, and data are reported as the percentage of mice rated as positive for stereotyped behavior. RESULTS: When mice were pretreated with 40 mg/kg apomorphine and later tested in the same environment, the dose-response curve for stereotyped behavior elicited by apomorphine was shifted threefold to the left 48 h after pretreatment, and this sensitization persisted for at least 28 days after pretreatment. Mice pretreated with apomorphine did not have higher brain levels of apomorphine after administration of the test dose of apomorphine. When the pretreatment environment was different from the test environment, mice did not exhibit sensitization to apomorphine. CONCLUSIONS: These results show that pre-exposure to a single high dose of apomorphine induces a long-lasting sensitization of apomorphine-induced stereotyped behavior that is context dependent. Since apomorphine directly activates dopamine receptors, these observations suggest that a mechanism located postsynaptic to dopamine neurons may be responsible for sensitization of stereotyped behavior.