Theoretical models for application in school health education research.
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The paper locates the problem of research ethics in a "value-free" science that has made researchers value-blind, insufficiently able to foresee possible negative consequences of what they do, but very able to design strategies to agree to structures that protect them. The intellectual style of a given research community enters as a key variable, and most intellectual styles are seen as ways of making scientific findings less threatening by focusing on data with little interpretation or speculation with little documentation. The famous Wilkes/Gleditsch case in Norway is cited as an example of research that offered both data (obtained from open sources) and interpretation, and was met with disapproval and sentence. The moral problem of value conflicts can best be understood by studying researchers in a social setting, together with elites and people. Only if researchers were on top and truth were the supreme value would the researchers' situation be unproblematic. But philosopher-kings, however omniscient and omnipotent, are rarely benevolent, and the very fact of concentrating so much on top leads to highly unacceptable societies, by demobilizing the rest, turning them into clients. Hence, researchers will live with their problems of being tempted into sins of commission--to pursue destructive knowledge--and sins of omission--not to pursue constructive knowledge, and not to pursue unpleasant truths, not because they want this, but because the structure leads them in that direction. Most researchers probably want security, academic freedom, and relevance, and the problem is this: Elites offer security and relevance, not academic freedom; universities offer security and academic freedom, not relevance; people may offer relevance, but neither security, nor freedom. In a rapidly changing world the interconnections and possibly destructive effects of research far away in space and time have become more evident, at the same time as formerly rich and dominating countries now are in economic and political decline. Universities may soon offer neither security nor academic freedom nor relevance. Researchers may find the academic commune more suitable, with economic independence. And they may argue for a redirection of research to satisfy basic needs--material and nonmaterial--for everybody.
Social control and social support are important aspects of psychiatric care. Modern psychiatric care in an area close to the residential quarters of patients requires attentive and self-critical observation, especially of the subtle forms of social control. The concepts of social control and social support are explained; basing on own investigations by the authors, as well as on own experiences and literature, some aspects of social support of schizophrenics and alcoholics are described from the viewpoint of local care.
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The present study examined the relationship between the perception by homosexual males of positive or negative societal reaction to homosexuality (PSR), their degree of conformity to heterosexual norms, and their degree of psychological adjustment. In this study respondents with high PSR were those who perceived negative societal reaction to homosexuality. Respondents with low PSR were those who perceived positive societal reaction. The study differentiated between the effects of putative societal reaction and actual societal reaction and was based on a three-group sample of homosexual men who (a) were, (b) had been, or (c) had never been heterosexually married. Findings showed that putative societal reaction was a critical variable producing conformity and psychological maladjustment in homosexual males.
As generally in psychiatry the treatment concepts in social psychiatry base to a great extend on disease- and deficit models. These models, however, have their limits and run the risk to promote exactly that, what social psychiatry is fighting against: chronification. The question shall be discussed, if the systemic approach could be helpful to reduce (social) psychiatry's contribution on the process of chronification. Since ever psychiatric institutions have the mandate of social control and exclusion of social disturbing people from society. On the other hand, social support has become a cornerstone of rehabilitation in psychiatry. There the therapist becomes the manager of the disability. The (case-)manager subsequently takes over the responsibility for the future course. So he also gets power over the system to be treated. He decides, how much of social support and control is necessary. But then he gives up the aim of profoundly changing something in the sense that the patient can give up his symptoms and take more self-responsibility for his acting. The consequence is that the patient and psychiatry keep up each other: a coevolution develops. This leads to rigidity and makes changes difficult. By taking over responsibility the therapist becomes part of the system to be treated. So he looses his neutrality and also the possibility of therapeutical influence and change. The whole system quickly moves into a vicious circle of helplessness. Finally it will be reflected how someone, working in an institution, still can do therapy in this field of tension of (social) psychiatry.
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Models of structural characteristics that may influence national infant and child homicide victim rates are derived from prior research. Expected effects of structural characteristics from a "social control" perspective are compared with expected effects from a "guardians, suitable target" perspective. Gartner's (1991) claim that structural factors influence victim rates only in nations with low social insurance expenditures is also evaluated. Statistical analysis of three infant and child age groups with homicide rates from 1965-1969, 1970-1974...1985-1988 fails to support the claim that high and low social insurance expenditure strata differ. Further, no independent effects of Gartner's (1991) three measures of family structure are found. Indicators of family stress/resources, female status, the culture of violence, and a proxy for unmeasured variables and measurement error all contribute to produce high levels of explained variance in each age group.
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A survey conducted in 1982 measured perceived threats of shame, embarrassment, and legal sanctions for "physically hurting someone on purpose" among a sample of adults in a southwestern city (N = 350). Sampling from the same community and using an identical methodology, the measures were repeated in a 1992 survey (N = 396). The growing social condemnation of interpersonal violence, especially intimate violence, during the decade and the increasingly punitive response to it by the legal system lead to the hypothesis that perceived threats of shame, embarrassment, and legal sanctions for this behavior were higher in 1992 than they were in 1982. Results indicate increases for embarrassment and legal sanctions among some segments of the population and are discussed in the context of previous findings concerning shame, embarrassment, and legal sanctions as deterrents.
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Research on media impacts on suicide has been largely restricted to the United States, a Christian nation marked by moral aversion to suicide. The present study extends the analysis to an Eastern nation, Japan, where people are less critical of those who suicide. Such a cultural definition of suicide might multiply imitative effects. Yule-Walker times series estimates indicate that the imitative effect is restricted to stories concerning Japanese victims. Further, the increase is similar in magnitude to that reported in the American cultural context. The Japanese audience may not be as predisposed to media effects, given a lower divorce rate, low couple centeredness, and a high level of extended family social support. These factors may offset a potentially very high "Werther effect." The model explains 88% of the variance in monthly Japanese suicide rates.
This study examined whether maternal control protects African American adolescents from the negative influence of problem peers. Two forms of control were examined, behavioral control and psychological control. It was hypothesized that there would be a curvilinear relation between control and adolescent problem behavior, with the strength of the relationship and the amount of control optimal for adolescent development varying by the level of peer problem behavior. In general, data supported this model, particularly in regard to behavioral control, where the predicted curvilinear interaction occurred even after controlling for initial levels of problem behavior. The predicted curvilinear interaction between psychological control and peer problem behavior was statistically significant if initial levels of problem behavior were not controlled for but was not significant after controlling for initial problem behavior. These findings suggest that high-quality parenting can play a modest but critical role in the face of environmental adversity.