Some problems in dissonance theory research on information selectivity.
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The four-year-old children of Head Start (two-year-classes of 90 for 1970-71 and 67 for 1971-72) performed on a test of perceptual identification of a sample of six positions approximately as well as did four-year-olds of parents with predominantly college backgrounds. On the other hand, only 22% and 16% of those of Head Start as compared with 70% and 67% of those of the nursery school placed blocks in all six positions that they heard the examiner name, and only 12% and 9% of the former as compared with 45.5% and 44.9% of the latter gave appropriate names for all the six positions designated by the examiner. Sex differences and differences between black and white children of Head Start were negligible and not significant. Somewhat more children of both Head Start and the nursery school showed semantic mastery based on both heard and spoken identification for positions based on body-object relations (in, on, and under) than for those based on object-object relations (in fromt of, between, and in back of). The fact that the children of Head Start perform so much less well than those of the nursery school on the test semantic mastery for position information is highly dissonant with the contention that children of poverty are without either cognitive or linguistic deficit, but quite consonant with the contention that they suffer a deficit that may well and probably does result from the rearing conditions in their homes during the preschool years.
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This diverse group is described in relation to life stage, short- and long-range performance objectives, and lifestyle factors pertinent to vocal health. Physical, behavioral, cognitive, and psychosocial issues relevant to assessment and intervention will be addressed. The possible dissonance between a clinician's developmental perspective and a client's immediate pragmatic concerns is discussed. In addition, the specific challenges of dealing with adolescents (e.g., the influence of the peer group, the emergence of autonomy, the redefinition of relationships with significant adults, and the vulnerability of the mechanism) are related to clinical problem solving.
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Addressing the question of why some people are happier than others is important for both theoretical and practical reasons and should be a central goal of a comprehensive positive psychology. Following a construal theory of happiness, the author proposes that multiple cognitive and motivational processes moderate the impact of the objective environment on well-being. Thus, to understand why some people are happier than others, one must understand the cognitive and motivational processes that serve to maintain, and even enhance, enduring happiness and transient mood. The author's approach has been to explore hedonically relevant psychological processes, such as social comparison, dissonance reduction, self-reflection, self-evaluation, and person perception, in chronically happy and unhappy individuals. In support of a construal framework, self-rated happy and unhappy people have been shown to differ systematically in the particular cognitive and motivational strategies they use. Promising research directions for positive psychology in pursuit of the sources of happiness, as well as the implications of the construal approach for prescriptions for enhancing well-being, are discussed.
The effects of global harmonic contexts on expectancy formation were studied in a set of three experiments. Eight-chord sequences were presented to subjects. Expectations for the last chord were varied by manipulating the harmonic context created by the first six: in one context, the last chord was part of an authentic cadence (V-I), whereas in the other, it was a fourth harmonic degree following a full cadence (I-IV). Given this change in harmonic function, the last chord was assumed to be more expected in the former context, all the other local parameters being held constant. The effect of global context on expectancy formation was supported by the fact that subjects reported a lower degree of completion for sequences ending on an unexpected chord (Experiment 1), took longer to decide whether the last chord belonged to the sequence when the last chord was unexpected (Experiment 2), and took longer to decide whether the last chord was consonant or dissonant when it was unexpected (Experiment 3). These results are discussed with reference to current models of tonal cognition.
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The four-year-old children of Head Start (two-year-classes of 90 for 1969-71 and 72 for 1971-72) performed on a test of perceptual identification approximately as well as four-year-old nursery-school children of parents predominantly of college background. On the other hand, only 28.9% and 19.4% of the children of Head Start, as compared with 87.9% and 90.2% of the children of the nursery-school pointed correctly to all six of the blocks when the examiner named the colors. Also, only 25.6% and 23.6% of those of Head Start, as compared with 81.8% and 76.5% of those of the nursery school, named the colors of all six blocks as they were designated by the examiners. Sex differences and race differences, except in the case of brown, among the children of Head Start were negligible and not significant. Somewhat more children showed semantic mastery for the warn colors, orange and red, than for the cool colors, blue and green. The finding of a deficiency in semantic mastery for such an elementary abstraction as color is highly dissonant with the contention of many students of sociological linguistics that children of poverty, and especially black children of poverty, are without cognitive or linguistic deficit, and that they fail in school only because they use a dialect differing from standard English. The finding is quite consonant with the contention that children of poverty do have a cognitive and linguistic deficit which may, and probably does, derive from the rearing conditions in their homes during the preschool years.