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[Revocation of Edict of Nantes and the dispersion of health professionals out of France].

In 1685 Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes. Thus, he caused the exodus of more than 100,000 Huguenots who did not want to become Roman Catholics. Many of them were from medical professions including medical practitioners, surgeons, and apothecaries. They looked for sanctuary in Great Britain, the United Provinces (Holland), Switzerland, Prussia, America as well as Germany, and abroad Dutch colonies like South Africa. The tradition of their settlements took part in the tradition of their welcoming countries all the more as their Huguenot descendants maintained their original tradition.

France↗

The moral meaning of religion for bioethics.

Religion's fundamental involvement with questions of disease, health, and medicine has given rise to concepts making substantial contributions to the field of bioethics. The purpose of this article is to examine such ongoing contributions in a general way, and then to review how the issue of whether medical technology should be used to prolong life might be approached from the standpoint of several different religious traditions.

Beneficence↗

High fertility of Old Colony Mennonites in Mexico.

Old Colony Mennonites in Mexico appear to demonstrate natural fertility, using no form of artificial birth control and apparently not attempting to limit family size. The resulting fertility is nearly as high as that of the Hutterites, although the Mennonites lack the communal economic system of the latter. Most Mennonites in Mexico migrated from Canada in the 1920s, and the largest single settlement, called the Manitoba Colony, is one of four in the state of Chihuahua. A 1967 partial census obtained data from 38% of the Mennonite households. Family size in the sample was close to that in a local survey taken in the same year. Available church records matched with census forms permitted verification of and corrections to 560 female reproductive histories. The median number of live births to women over age 45 years was 9.5, compared with 10.4 in the Hutterites. Age-specific marital fertility rates and birth intervals closely resembled those of the Hutterites.

Adolescent↗

Health care in South Africa: the rights and responsibilities of the community.

Both community mobilisation and expert intervention are required for proper health care. All members of the South African Community have a right to justice, equity and participation in their health care system. Justice demands equal facilities for all, and in South Africa cannot be achieved without fundamental political change. Equity demands freedom from financial anxiety. Arguments for the further privatisation of health care in South Africa are immoral and unconvincing. Participation demands that a patient be actively involved in deciding the nature of health care rather than merely a 'consumer'. This requires both demythologising the medical profession and vesting power in the community. Practical steps towards these ends are suggested.

Delivery of Health Care↗

Religious affiliation and contraceptive usage: changing American patterns, 1955-82.

This paper presents national estimates of contraceptive usage patterns among white women from 1955-82 for the major religious populations in the United States. Drawing on several surveys, the data show that in 1955 differences in contraceptive use between white Protestants and Catholics were very large and corresponded to the higher fertility levels among Catholics. By 1982, all the major religious groups had experienced downward changes in expected family size and all used effective contraceptive methods, including sterilization, the pill, and the IUD. Despite some convergence in the patterns of contraceptive usage over time, significant differences in contraceptive use styles remain among Catholics, Protestants, Jews, and those of no religious affiliation after multivariate controls eliminated socioeconomic and sociodemographic differences among these subpopulations. The evidence points to the multiple contraceptive paths to similar levels of low fertility. A series of hypotheses are proposed to account for these different contraceptive use styles that relate to religious communities, peer pressure and social norms, differential sex roles, male-female communication patterns, and the differential use of physician-based versus other sources of contraceptives.

Adolescent↗

Contraceptive patterns of religious and racial groups in the United States, 1955-76: convergence and distinctiveness.

A number of studies have reported data on contraceptive use among white Protestant and white Catholic couples in the United States, but this paper is the first to study a large sample of couples with other or no religious affiliation, as well as black couples by religion, using multivariate controls. Using a nationally representative sample of 14,000 married women aged 15-44, we find convergence among white Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish couples in contraceptive patterns between 1955 and the mid-1970s, but large differences remained at the latter date, even after multivariate controls. Among black couples, differences by religious affiliation are smaller, but differences between white and black couples within religion categories are substantial. We conclude that religious differences are not artifacts of an incomplete demographic transition, and that religious affiliation is an indispensable datum for understanding contraceptive choice in the United States.

Black or African American↗

Moral reasoning and political conflict: the abortion controversy.

We argue that the abortion controversy has one major source--religion--and two less important ones--attitudes towards sexual permissiveness and women's employment. Traditional Christianity promotes opposition to abortion using three distinct modes of moral reasoning: through deductive moral reasoning, by the Christian world view's implication that abortion violates the sanctity of life and is a rebellion against God's design; through authoritative moral reasoning by appeal to Catholic dogma; and through consequentialist moral reasoning, as a means of control over sexuality and as a means of confining women's activities to the home. Even aside from Christian belief, adherence to traditional morality promotes opposition to abortion on these consequentialist grounds. We posit a model in which religious belief, anti-feminism, sexual permissiveness, and attitudes towards abortion are distinct concepts (a four-factor model) rather than all simply aspects of a single conservatism factor. We develop reliable, multiple item attitude scales; show that our four-factor model fits the data much better than the one-factor alternative; and test our hypotheses on new data from a large, representative national sample of Australia (N = 4540). Using maximum likelihood structural equation methods, we find that deductive reasoning from Christian belief is the most important source of opposition to abortion, with strong effects both direct and indirect. Exposure to the authority of the Catholic hierarchy is a real but weaker source of opposition. Consequentialist reasoning from traditional moral views on sex--partly buttressed by religion, partly independent of it--is also influential. But views on women's employment matter only a little, contrary to received wisdom.

Abortion, Legal↗