The minimally conscious state: definition and diagnostic criteria.
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The concept of death has evolved as technology has progressed. This has forced medicine and society to redefine its ancient cardiorespiratory centred diagnosis to a neurocentric diagnosis of death. The apparent consensus about the definition of death has not yet appeased all controversy. Ethical, moral and religious concerns continue to surface and include a prevailing malaise about possible expansions of the definition of death to encompass the vegetative state or about the feared bias of formulating criteria so as to facilitate organ transplantation.
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Positron emission tomography with the benzodiazepine receptor ligand carbon-11-labelled flumazenil Identified the extent of neuronal damage in acute vegetative state and predicted the possibility of recovery of consciousness and function.
According to traditional neurophysiological theory, consciousness requires neocortical functioning, and children born without cerebral hemispheres necessarily remain indefinitely in a developmental vegetative state. Four children between 5 and 17 years old are reported with congenital brain malformations involving total or near-total absence of cerebral cortex but who, nevertheless, possessed discriminative awareness: for example, distinguishing familiar from unfamiliar people and environments, social interaction, functional vision, orienting, musical preferences, appropriate affective responses, and associative learning. These abilities may reflect 'vertical' plasticity of brainstem and diencephalic structures. The relative rarity of manifest consciousness in congenitally decorticate children could be due largely to an inherent tendency of the label 'developmental vegetative state' to become a self-fulfilling prophecy.
McMillan reported a neuropsychological assessment procedure which was used to determine whether or not there was evidence for sentience in a young woman who had been rendered tetraplegic and anarthric as a result of a road traffic accident. An application to court had been made to withdraw feeding and this was supported by medical evidence which gave the view that the individual was functioning little beyond vegetative state, had a poor quality of life and had little prospect of further recovery. Evidence for an ability to communicate reliably was found including for a wish to continue living, and as a consequence the application to court was withdrawn. This paper describes further recovery 2-4 years after the original assessment (i.e. 4-6 years post-injury). At follow-up, she remained dependent for all care, but was now feeding orally and was talking. She could learn new information, some of which she retained for at least 12 months and had greater insight into her condition. She now reported low mood and some pain. As before, she consistently reported a wish to live. The implications of the follow-up are discussed in the context of assumptions made about quality of life and decision making about euthanasia in brain injured people who are severely disabled, but are not in a vegetative state.
This article explores the cultural politics of medicine and the law through a historical examination of the case of Karen Ann Quinlan. In viewing the Quinlan case as, in part, an unanticipated consequence of the 1968 redefinition of death, this article implicates the importance of historical perspective and methodology in examining the nuances of the cultural negotiation of professional power. Using popular, legal, medical, and bioethics sources in historical context, it reveals how the legal process can nurture misconceptions about medical practice and the role of technology. It also sheds light on how the search for legal protection can motivate medical behavior. In so doing, it challenges the view that Quinlan was an important gain for patients' rights. Instead it views Quinlan's chief legacy as its offer to the medical profession of freedom from criminal prosecution when removing life support from patients in a chronically vegetative state.
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