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Adverse selection among multiple competing health maintenance organizations.

This study examines risk selection among nine health plans competing for 16,182 employees of one large firm in 1989: one conventional fee-for-service plan, one group-model health maintenance organization (HMO), and seven network and independent practice model HMOs. We develop and compare measures of risk using weights based on HMO and fee-for-service expenditure data, respectively. We use a multiequation statistical model to develop two sets of utilization and expenditure weights for enrollees in each plan. One set of weights, based on discharge abstracts and outpatient records from the large group-model HMO, measures how much each of the nine groups of employees and dependents would have spent, had they been enrolled in a stringently managed plan with no consumer cost sharing. The other set of weights, based on fee-for-service claims data, measures how much each group would have spent, had it been enrolled in an unmanaged health plan with significant coinsurance and deductibles. Predicted annual expenditures per enrollee exhibit a 23% range from lowest (favorable selection) to highest (adverse selection) risk plans using the HMO weights and a 17% range using fee-for-service weights. The fee-for-service plan and group-model HMO with large enrollments have risk mixes near the center of the spectrum. Smaller HMOs exhibit the extreme forms of both favorable and adverse selection. The statistical methods adopted in this study can be used to risk-adjust capitation payments to competing health plans. As mergers among HMOs and group purchasing arrangements among employers increase the average enrollment in each plan from each payor, however, risk differences among plans will be attenuated and the need to risk-adjust payments will be less severe. Key words: health insurance; adverse selection; managed competition; health maintenance organization.

Actuarial Analysis↗

Post-Romanow pharmacare: last-dollar first...first-dollar lost?

Canada's public-private mix in coverage for pharmaceuticals has long created variation across provinces in access to needed treatments and has contributed to persistent cost growth in both the private and public sectors. Among the recommendations of the 2002 Romanow Commission was a proposed national standard for "last-dollar" pharmacare that would cover any household's drug costs beyond a high annual deductible. Such a program contrasts with the "first-dollar" pharmacare programs currently available for vulnerable populations (e.g., seniors and social assistance recipients) in most provinces. While last-dollar coverage may be a valuable set toward broadening public pharmacare in Canada, there is a risk that provincial governments may interpret the coverage of catastrophic costs as the new pharmacare ideal and therefore reduce or eliminate existing programs that currently offer first-dollar benefits.

Canada↗

Co-payments in the Austrian social health insurance system. Analysing patient behaviour and patients' views on the effects of co-payments.

Austrian health politicians constantly claim that patients have to be the focus of interest when providing health care services. However, due to increasing demand, scarce resources and insufficient guidance for health care provision at the national level, Austrian patients have been confronted with a variety of health care reforms during recent years. These reforms include the introduction of additional, mainly lump sum co-payments and the increase of existing (lump sum) co-payments. Using a sample of 378 socially-insured patients, the aim of this study is to analyse patients' attitudes towards co-payments, their views on the effects of co-payments on health care demand and their actual behaviour in response to co-payments. The study is descriptive rather than hypothesis testing due to the limited data. The results of this survey indicate that co-payments have no major guiding effect on health care demand. This is confirmed by what the patients indicate as regards their actual behaviour.

Austria↗

What does the Medicare prescription drug legislation mean for the American cardiologist?

The Medicare Modernization Act of 2003 authorized the most sweeping changes to the Medicare and Medicaid programs since their inception in 1965. One key feature, a prescription drug benefit, will begin enrolling seniors in November 2005, and the benefit will begin in January 2006. This benefit will have complex and largely unknown effects on medication adherence in the elderly. It has a complex system of copayments and deductibles and subsidy eligibility requirements, as well as a "donut hole." Drug coverage for people dually eligible for Medicare and Medicaid will change greatly. Medicare beneficiaries will have to choose from a large, bewildering choice of prescription plans and many will turn to their physicians for advice. This article details the background, benefits, and expected impact of all of these aspects of the new Medicare Part D prescription drug benefit.

Aged↗

How free care improved vision in the health insurance experiment.

We studied reasons for the improvement in the functional vision of enrollees receiving free care in the Rand Health Insurance Experiment. Among low income enrollees, 78 per cent on the free plan and 59 per cent on the cost-sharing plans had an eye examination; the proportions of those obtaining lenses were 30 per cent and 20 per cent, respectively. Visual acuity outcomes of low income vs non-poor enrollees were more adversely affected by enrollment in cost-sharing plans. Free care resulted in improved vision by increasing the frequency of eye examinations and lens purchases.

Adolescent↗

Restrictive reimbursement policies and uncompensated care in California hospitals, 1981-1986.

To examine the effect of restrictive state, federal, and private hospital reimbursement policies in California, we examined trends in uncompensated care and other deductions from hospital revenues from 1981 to 1986. During a period when the number of uninsured in California increased substantially, uncompensated care grew, but not as rapidly as other deductions from revenue, especially Medi-Cal and private-sector contractual allowances. A trend toward redistribution of uncompensated care from public to private hospitals reversed. Voluntary teaching hospitals, whose Medi-Cal and private-sector contractual allowances grew rapidly, recently reported a decline in uncompensated care. As reimbursement pressures increase, private hospitals may resist pressures to provide uncompensated care, increasing the burden on public institutions and perhaps limiting the access of indigents to quality care.

California↗

COBRA's draconian penalties.

In June 1987 the Internal Revenue Service issued proposed regulations clarifying the penalties to be imposed for noncompliance with the Consolidated Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act (COBRA). These regulations met with ardent objections from employers because of the scope of the sanctions. Not only does a noncomplying employer lose its tax deduction for health plan contributions, for example, but so does any successor employer or member of a multiemployer plan to which the offending employer belongs. The IRS has also been criticized for neglecting to differentiate in the regulations between significant and minor violations and for neglecting to define what it means when it refers to a violation being corrected. In the following article the author explores these problems and their effect on employers as well as Congress's recent efforts to ease the COBRA penalty burden.

Employment↗

Some interim results from a controlled trial of cost sharing in health insurance.

A total of 7706 persons are participating in a controlled trial of alternative health-insurance policies. Interim results indicate that persons fully covered for medical services spend about 50 per cent more than do similar persons with income-related catastrophe insurance. Full coverage leads to more people using services and to more services per user. Both ambulatory services and hospital admissions increase. Once patients are admitted to the hospital, however, expenditures per admission do not differ significantly among the experimental insurance plans. In addition, hospital admissions for children do not vary by plan. The income-related cost sharing in the experimental plans affects expenditure by different income groups similarly, but adults' total expenditure varies more than children's. Sufficient data are not available on whether higher use by persons with free care reflects overuse, or whether lower use by those with income-related catastrophe coverage reflects underuse. Both may well be true.

Ambulatory Care↗

The special health care needs of the elderly.

Interest in Medicare, the government's second largest social program after Social Security, reached a new high in 1995, not as part of health care reform, but as a vehicle for deficit reduction and because of a desire by Congress to restructure the program to encourage enhanced choice for beneficiaries and greater use of managed care. Medicaid, a major payer of long-term care and financer of coverage for low-income elderly, also is slated to undergo major restructuring in the next few years. As Congress and the nation debate the future of these key programs for older Americans, a number of critical issues deserve attention. Medicare's costs are very high--but not necessarily unreasonable in the face of the demands on health care services for this part of the population. And even with these high costs, a number of important gaps in coverage remain a problem for seniors. Deductibles and copayments are also high--especially for hospital and skilled nursing services. But pressure for change may well lead to higher, not lower, cost-sharing requirements. Medicare remains a largely fee-for-service program at a time when the national health care system is shifting increasingly to a managed care environment. Moving Medicare in that direction is one likely option for change. While it is desirable to have Medicare move in concert with the rest of the system, a number of issues stand in the way of an effortless move to managed care for the elderly. Moreover, coordination of long-term and acute care services may be even more challenging in such an environment. Medicaid covers long-term care services for older Americans, but only for those who have depleted most of their assets and income. Even when people do become eligible, Medicaid covers primarily institutional care. But little is likely to change this picture in the next few years, and private efforts through expansion of long-term care insurance will likely provide only a partial solution.

Aged↗

Health reform in Germany. An American assesses the new operating efficiencies.

In 1993, responding to a $5.7 billion deficit among the country's third-party payers, the German parliament imposed mandatory global budgets for physician, hospital, dental, and pharmaceutical services. Although Germany had been able to maintain health spending at a lower rate than the United States, an excessive supply of health resources was beginning to drive prices higher. During the three years the global budgets are in place, German third-party payers (the "sickness funds") and providers will implement several fundamental reforms. These include: Reducing excessive supply of specialists Constraining the acquisition and utilization of expensive medical technologies Reducing the annual number of physician visits per person Reducing average hospital length of stay Integrating community- and hospital-based physician services Reducing payroll deductions for mandated benefits The 1993 reforms also impose a budgetary cap at the 1991 expenditure level for drugs prescribed by community-based physicians. In addition, the reforms call for the implementation of community-rated premiums and stipulate that Germans be able to select their sickness fund each year. Although the reforms make important changes, they leave the basic German healthcare system intact. It is difficult to imagine, moreover, that any of the reforms being implemented will in the foreseeable future place any major element of the health system in serious financial peril; in fact, they will help preserve the system.

Budgets↗

Public Law 100-360, Medicare Catastrophic Coverage Act of 1988, 1 July 1988.

This Act significantly expands the US Medicare program of health care to the aged and disabled. Among the changes that it makes are the following: 1) eliminating the time limit on the number of days of inpatient hospital and hospice care covered; 2) increasing nursing home care to 150 days; 3) reducing deductibles and copayments for hospital and nursing home care; 4) establishing coverage for respite-care (up to 80 hours per year), mammography screening, and outpatient prescription drugs; and 5) lowering the income level below which persons must be covered by Medicaid. The Act also creates the US Bipartisan Commission on Comprehensive Health Care to examine issues related to comprehensive health care and comprehensive longterm health care for the aged and disabled. The changes in Medicaid are to be paid for by additional premiums on persons enrolled in Medicaid, determined in part by income level.

Age Factors↗

Post-hospitalization followup appointment-keeping among the medically indigent.

The purpose of this study was to measure followup appointment-keeping in patients discharged from a General Medicine Inpatient Service and to identify possible predictors of compliance. Patients were interviewed on hospital admission and all charts were reviewed on discharge. A subset of patients were interviewed by telephone an average of one month after first followup appointment date. The study was conducted in an urban public teaching hospital with hospital-based and community clinics. A convenience sample of 209 patients were selected from admissions to the General Medicine Inpatient Service over a three month period. Followup appointment-keeping was recorded on all 195 patients discharged alive. Seventy-five percent of patients had no medical insurance, public or private. A compliance rate of 60% (95% confidence interval: 53% to 67%) with first followup appointment was found. Variables associated with compliance and which retained independence on multiple logistic regression analysis, followed by adjusted odds ratios (95% confidence intervals) were: no copayment requirement, odds ratio 3.2 (1.6 to 6.3), single followup appointment 2.9 (1.4 to 5.9), apartment dwelling 3.2 (1.4 to 7.3) and non-primary care clinic appointment 2.3 (1.1 to 4.8). We conclude that health-care-delivery related factors such as no copayment requirements are strongly associated with appointment-keeping in a public hospital population.

Adolescent↗

How cost sharing affects the use of ambulatory mental health services.

The less generous insurance coverage for mental health care has generated some controversy. The major unresolved question is how the demand for outpatient mental health care responds to cost sharing. We used data from a randomized trial of fee-for-service health insurance for the nonelderly to address this question. The study enrolled 5809 persons. The results are based on 19 819 person-years of data. One hundred thirty-three percent more is spent on outpatient psychotherapy when care is free to patients than when they pay 95% of the fee, subject to an annual catastrophic limit. But, the absolute level of expenditure is low on all plans; $32 per person per year with free care. The response to psychotherapy services to cost sharing is insignificantly larger than that for outpatient general medical services. We found no evidence that more generous coverage for outpatient psychotherapy decreases total health expenditures.

Ambulatory Care↗

Getting to go in managed care.

The challenge for leadership and the required changes are great. Our personal limitations include a limited view of the world and the threat of an overwhelming risk if one gets too far out on the limb. "Getting to go" will open up new and strange territories that will provide opportunity and failure for leaders. Capable leaders will pursue the opportunity. Threatened leaders will resist the change. For those leaders who feel that the managed care existing today provides the most cost-effective, quality outcome for the individual, his or her sponsor in the community, they will go no further. Unfortunately for many of us, managed care means a third party trying to micromanage patients (deductions, authorizations, and so on), employers (claims, incentives, and so forth), and providers (approvals, forums, payment, tricks, and the like). Providers need to go ahead and master efficient care. We owe that to the community and the third party nightmare of administrative overkill must be laid to rest. For those healthcare leaders who believe that managed care as a system focused on improving the health status of our communities is superior to our existing system, their individual goals and leadership focus must be changed accordingly. We cannot sit by idly and wait for the system to change us. Instead our obligation is to lead our organizations toward a new era in health care.

Comprehensive Health Care↗

Financing health services for children in Texas.

In Texas, children's health services are financed by a bewildering combination of private and public sources, each of which employs different eligibility rules, benefit packages, and reimbursement methods. This article describes these financing mechanisms, underscoring their complexity and the need for consolidation and reform. As private coverage for children has declined, it has become less comprehensive with increased coinsurance and deductibles. Concurrently, due to a number of federal initiatives, Medicaid coverage has increased rapidly with new benefits, also now mandated. Levels and structure of payment have influenced variable participation in the program by physicians, rural health clinics, federally qualified health centers, and children's hospitals. The Texas Department of Health and the Texas Department of Mental Health and Mental Retardation have undertaken a number of initiatives to fill in the gaps and to serve mandated categorically eligible populations. Continuity of care is difficult to achieve. Comprehensive community-based care should be promoted with the goal of expanding the role of all types of providers.

Adolescent↗

Employer-sponsored health insurance in New York: findings from the 2003 Commonwealth Fund/HRET survey.

A 2003 Commonwealth Fund/Health Research and Educational Trust survey of 576 New York State firms found that, in order to manage rising health costs, employers are increasing the share of the insurance premium that employees pay, delaying the start of benefits, and increasing cost-sharing at the point of service. This has enabled employers to preserve health benefits, but has raised costs for workers and their families. On average, workers' contributions for family coverage rose 54 percent, from $1,392 per year in 2001 to $2,148 per year in 2003. During that time period, fewer workers selected family coverage. Employers are receptive to a wide range of approaches to make coverage more available and affordable for their employees, but they have limited familiarity with public programs that could cover their lower-wage workers, such as Healthy New York, Family Health Plus, or Child Health Plus.

Cost Control↗

A study on a reduction in visits to physicians after introduction of 30% co-payments in the employee health insurance in Japan.

The purpose of the study is to evaluate influences of the introduction of 30% co-payments on potential visit behavior using a questionnaire in order to determine whether "employment state of the spouse" and "number of dependent children", as indicators of economic backgrounds, affect visits to physicians in a health insurance society. The subjects were 1,674 insured consisting of 1,165 males and 509 females, who underwent a regular health examination in July 2002, in a health insurance society. In the survey, they were asked whether the subject "will reduce" or "will not reduce" visits to physicians due to the increase in co-payments in the health insurance system scheduled in 2003. Multivariate analyses showed that "employment state of the spouse" was significantly related to the reduction in visits for myocardial infarction or stroke, cancer or heart disease, and hypertension and diabetes mellitus. Concerning "number of dependent children", it was related to the risk of reducing visits to physicians for myocardial infarction or stroke, trauma or fracture, cancer or heart disease, and low back pain or knee pain. Finally, upper limit expenditures of co-payments of physicians to visits due to hypertension and diabetes mellitus were related to "number of dependent children". The study results suggest that "employment state of the spouse" and "number of dependent children" are significant factors to affect potential visits to physicians after the introduction of 30% co-payments.

Adult↗

Questioning the claims from Kaiser.

BACKGROUND: The article by Feachem et al, published in the BMJ in 2002, claimed to show that, compared with the United Kingdom (UK) National Health Service (NHS), the Kaiser Permanente healthcare system in the United States (US) has similar healthcare costs per capita, and performance that is considerably better in certain respects. AIM: To assess the accuracy of Feachem et al's comparison and conclusions. METHOD: Detailed re-examination of the data and methods used and consideration of the 82 letters responding to the article. RESULTS: Analyses revealed four main areas in which Feachem et al's methodology was flawed. Firstly, the populations of patients served by Kaiser Permanente and by the NHS are fundamentally different. Kaiser's patients are mainly employed, significantly younger, and significantly less socially deprived and so are healthier. Feachem et al fail to adjust adequately for these factors. Secondly, Feachem et al have wrongly inflated NHS costs by omitting substantial user charges payable by Kaiser members for care, excluding the costs of marketing and administration, and deducting the surplus from Kaiser's costs while underestimating the capital charge element of the NHS budget and other costs. They also used two methods of converting currency, the currency rate and a health purchasing power parity conversion. This is double counting. Feachem et al reported that NHS costs were 10% less per head than Kaiser. Correcting for the double currency conversion gives the NHS a 40% cost advantage such that per capita costs are 1161 dollars and 1951 dollars for the NHS and Kaiser, respectively. Thirdly, Feachem et al use non-standardised data for NHS bed days from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, rather than official Department of Health bed availability and activity statistics for England. Leaving aside the non-comparability of the population and lack of standardisation of the data, the result is to inflate NHS acute bed use and underestimate the efficiency of performance by at least 10%. Similar criticisms apply to their selective use of performance measures. Finally, Feachem et al claim that Kaiser is a more integrated system than the NHS. The NHS provides health care to around 60 million people free at the point of delivery, long-term and psychiatric care, and continuing care after 100 days whereas Kaiser provides care to 6 million people, mainly employed and privately insured. Important functions, such as health protection, education and training of healthcare professionals, and research and development are not included or properly costed in Feachem et al's integrated model. CONCLUSION: We have re-examined the statements made by Feachem et al and show that the claims are unsupported by the evidence. The NHS is not similar to Kaiser in coverage, costs or performance.

Age Factors↗