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Nonincreased risk of nosocomial infection during a 22-day housekeeping personnel strike in a tertiary hospital.

BACKGROUND: From April 2-23, 1992, the housekeeping staff of the University of Granada Hospital was on strike. Measures were implemented to minimize the effects of the strike on patients' health and especially to diminish the risk of hospital infection. OBJECTIVE: To assess the risk of nosocomial infection during the housekeeping personnel strike. SETTING: An 800-bed, tertiary care hospital. METHODS: A case-cohort approach was used. One hundred forty-eight infected patients (with 184 hospital infections) were detected prospectively from March 1, 1992, to May 31, 1992. A sample of 459 of the base population (patients admitted during the same period) was selected. Information on relevant risk factors for hospital infection was abstracted from patients' clinical charts after hospital discharge. Crude odds ratios and adjusted (by proportional hazards model) relative risks (RRs) for the strike period were estimated. RESULTS: Risk of nosocomial infection did not increase during the strike period (multiple-risk factor adjusted RR = 0.99, 0.96 to 1.01/day of strike). Similar results were observed for major sites of infection (especially surgical wound) and major areas of the hospital (including gynecology, surgery, and intensive care). CONCLUSION: We concluded that there was no increase in the risk of nosocomial infection during the housekeeping strike.

Aged↗

The effect of direct charges on consultations in family practice: a study of a doctors' strike.

Experience accumulated during the doctors' strike of 1983 in Israel was analysed to compare the effect on the work of the family doctor of direct-charge as against pre-paid insurance arrangements, in three different settings--suburban, rural and working-class small town. The imposition of direct charges greatly reduced the consultation rate; more of the patients consulting received prescriptions, especially for antibiotics; laboratory investigation, referral and admission to hospital were unchanged, but referral for specialist consultation was reduced; the most frequently seen diagnostic categories remained respiratory diseases and undefined signs or symptoms, but pneumonia was seen much more frequently; there was no change in the proportion of follow-up visits, but house calls were more frequent. These trends were stable over the four-month period of the strike, and partial reimbursement of the fee did not change the picture significantly. The evidence did not conclusively support the hypothesis that direct charges selectively deter trivial complainers.

Adolescent↗

Nurses' collective responsibility and the strike weapon.

Among the collective as well as individual responsibilities of nurses as professionals is that of maintaining and improving the quality of nursing care. In exchange for monopoly status and professional authority to control nursing practice, the profession is charged with the responsibility of meeting the nursing care needs of the community. If one claims, as I do, that one of the collective responsibilities of nurses is maintenance of high nursing standards, we must examine what action is required of nurses who find themselves in work contexts in which standards and practice are deficient. Specifically, is the strike weapon one that may or even ought to be used? In this essay, answers to the following two questions are advanced: (a) What conditions must obtain for it to be (morally) right for nurses in a particular health care facility to strike? (b) Does their collective responsibility with regard to nursing standards and practice ever entail that a group of nurses has a (moral) duty to strike? The essay concludes with a consideration of how one balances the collective responsibility to maintain and improve the quality of nursing care with an individual nurse's responsibility to her/his own patients.

Ethics, Nursing↗

Conditions that justify strikes as perceived by housestaff at a public hospital.

Although physicians' strikes provoke considerable controversy and are increasing in incidence, little information is available regarding house officers' attitudes towards the ethics of striking. To determine house officers' views of whether and when it is justified to strike, and to understand the factors affecting their judgments, in 1988 the authors surveyed 432 residents (including interns and fellows) at a large public hospital shortly following a four-day housestaff work action; 255 (59%) responded. In responding to 12 hypothetical scenarios, 218 residents (85%) thought striking was justified if vital equipment were in short supply and the strike was unlikely to cause lethal harm, but only 10 (4%) thought striking justified if the issue was low salaries and the risk to patients was high. Twenty-two residents (9%) thought striking unacceptable in all 12 cases. Training in obstetrics-gynecology or psychiatry, liberal politics, and low levels of job satisfaction were independent predictors of residents' believing that strikes were more often justified. Although the residents' responses to the hypothetical scenarios were related to their prior work action behaviors, the association was weakened by adjustment for contextual factors such as specialty and social norms. Implications for education in medical ethics are discussed.

Attitude of Health Personnel↗

Reacting to surprises: hospital strategy, structure and ideology.

A physicians' strike in San Francisco caused a severe environmental jolt to hospitals in the area. A look at the responses of three of those hospitals reveals striking differences among them regarding their market strategies, administrative structures and ideologies. An analysis of these differences can help administrators prepare for and cope with unpleasant surprises.

California↗

Hospital work stoppages--the legal basis and the legal response.

Unlike other industries, hospitals are entitled by law to at least ten days' notice of any strike, picketing or concerted refusal to work. By asserting this right, they may plan for continued operation and the continued care of their patients.

Collective Bargaining↗

Use of medical care by children during a physicians' strike.

From March through June 1983 the almost 8,000 physicians in the public sector in Israel were on strike. While emergency hospital care was assured, primary care options were severely limited, and the Alternative Medical Service set up by the Israel Medical Association involved a significant payment at the time of visit. This constituted a radical change from the no-charge physician care regularly provided to the insured population in the community clinics. A study was conducted in the third month of the strike to assess the utilization of care for children. The results of interviews with 253 families registered in eight Sick Fund clinics showed that the majority of parents who reported a child's illness did not defer seeking care. The first sources of care were the nurses in the community clinic and the hospital emergency room, while care from physicians working privately was used to the same extent as the Alternative Medical Centers. These results indicate that the relatively high utilization patterns of this population were not significantly changed. Differences in the first source of care by clinic suggest that socioeconomic factors and the availability of the various options are related to use in each area. These factors, as well as the threshold for seeking care and the influence of selection, should be examined in more detail to develop appropriate utilization patterns and a more rational use of resources.

Adolescent↗