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Death and help expected from nurses when dying.

This project was undertaken to ascertain the perceptions of a group of Taiwan's fourth-year bachelor of science in nursing (BSN) students regarding death and help expected from nurses during the dying process. Within the Chinese culture, death is one of the most important life issues. However, in many Chinese societies it is difficult for people to reveal their deepest feelings to their significant others or loved ones. It was in this context that this project was developed because little is known about how Taiwan's nursing students perceive death and the dying process. Using an open-ended, self-report questionnaire, 110 senior BSN students recorded their thoughts on: (1) their fears before physical death; (2) afterlife destinations; and (3) the help they would expect from nurses when dying. The data were analyzed using a three-layer qualitative thematic analysis. The students' reported needs during the dying process were directed towards three main goals: (1) help in reaching the 'triple targets of individual life'; (2) help in facilitating in-depth support so that both the dying person and significant others can experience a blessed farewell; and (3) help in reaching a destination in the afterlife. The results support the belief of dying as a transition occurring when life weans itself from the mortal world and prepares for an afterlife.

Adult↗

Ethical considerations for residents.

To help residents understand the moral obligations they have undertaken by becoming doctors, the author presents an overview of the ethical landscape of medical practice. She begins by stating that doctors' primary obligation is to use the knowledge of science in working together with others for the good of their patients. This involves (1) relying on the scientific method (and thus eschewing nonscientific alternatives) and supporting or conducting scientific research; (2) embracing the cooperative model (i.e., when appropriate, working cooperatively with other physicians and other health care providers); and (3) working for the good of the patient to preserve life, cure disease, restore or preserve function, educate, and alleviate suffering. In order to fulfill this complex obligation physicians must be professionally competent, they must respect their colleagues and patients, and they must genuinely care about their patients' well-being. The author then discusses the moral complexity of common encounters in medical practice. She explains the ethical conflicts that underlie issues of paternalism, justice, the use of patients for teaching, and end-of-life care. Since new moral problems are introduced with new technology and since medicine is confronting an increasing demand for services in the face of shrinking resources, she maintains that, more than ever, physicians must be aware of the ethical dimensions of their work and be able to organize their understanding of the issues. To meet the complex and demanding commitments of medical practice and to successfully navigate the ethical challenges that they will encounter, physicians must mold themselves not only to be knowledge and skilled professionals but also to be respectful and compassionate human beings.

Adult↗

Overcoming the tension between scientific and religious views in teaching anatomical dissection: the Israeli experience.

More than three thousand years of Jewish historical and scholarly writings have addressed the problematic relationship between anatomical dissection for the purpose of medical education and Judaism, which values the wholeness and sanctity of the human body. The Department of Anatomy at Tel Aviv University's Sackler Faculty of Medicine has sought to bridge the gap between science and Jewish religious-cultural values. The Department requires students to conduct laboratory dissections on cadavers in an ethical and respectful manner. Student emotions are also addressed by the Department as students are encouraged to share their apprehensions and concerns about participating in dissections in discussion groups. At the same time, the high academic standards of the medical school are strictly upheld, ensuring that each student has a thorough knowledge of human anatomy. Teaching anatomy in Israeli medical school involves reconciling two conflicting approaches to dissection: (1) The scientific-medical approach, which views the human body as inert material and anatomical dissection as a means of studying anatomy and gaining medical knowledge. (2) A Jewish religious point of view, which perceives anatomical dissection as a threat to the sanctity of a human body and leads to the defilement of those participating in the dissection. In this article, the views of major Jewish scholars regarding dissection are presented and discussed in relation to their implementation in the dissection theater. These views are examined in an anthropological light based on observations in the dissection room and interviews with students and faculty members. The findings reflect the emotions and concerns of Israeli medical students at the Sackler Faculty of Medicine in particular as well as those of the Israeli-Jewish population as a whole. In the dissection theater, medical students must gain a comprehensive understanding of human anatomy while dealing with their own personal ethical, cultural, and religious views on death and dying. Confronting these issues enhances both personal growth as individuals and professional behavior as future physicians.

Anatomy↗

Whole body donation for medical science: a population-based study.

Although cadaveric whole-body donation for the purposes of medical science is extremely important for medical education, the number of persons who choose to donate remains low. We assessed persons' willingness to consider whole body donation in a standardized telephone survey of Maryland households, identified using random digit dialing. In multivariable analyses, we assessed the independent relation of sociodemographics and attitudinal factors to willingness to consider donation, and we determined the amount of variation in willingness to consider donation among the study population that could be explained by these factors. Of 385 participants (84% of randomized homes), 49% reported they would consider whole body donation. In bivariate analysis, younger age, African-American race/ethnicity, less education and income, greater number of dependents, marital status, and attitudes about religion/spirituality, trust in hospitals, and income, gender, and racial/ethnic discrimination in hospitals were statistically significantly associated with 40-70% less odds of willingness to consider donation. After adjustment, persons of African-American race/ethnicity, less education, and those agreeing with the statements, "Rich patients receive better care at hospitals than poor patients," and "White patients receive better care at hospitals than other racial or ethnic groups," had 40-60% less odds of willingness to consider donation when compared to their counterparts. Respondents' race/ethnicity and education contributed most to willingness to consider donation. We conclude that demographic and attitudinal factors are strongly related to willingness to consider whole body donation. Efforts to enhance donation should seek to identify ways in which potential barriers to donation can be addressed by health professionals.

Adolescent↗

[The origin of informed consent].

The principle of informed consent, aimed at the lawfulness of health assistance, tends to reflect the concept of autonomy and of decisional autodetermination of the person requiring and requesting medical and/or surgical interventions. This legal formula, over the last few years, has gained not only considerable space but also importance in the doctrinal elaboration and approaches, as well as juridical interpretations, thereby influencing the everyday activities of the medical profession. Informed consent is still the object of continuous explorations, not only asfar as concerns the already confirmed theoretical profile but, instead, the ambiguous practical and consequential aspect. Analysing how the concept and role of consensus was born and developed with the more adequate and reasonable excursions to make it valid and obtain it, it is impossible not to take into consideration, on the one hand, the very ancient philosophical origins and, on the other, the fact that it was conditioned by religion with the moral aspects and the accelerated deontological evolution with pathways parallel to the needs and the progress offered by new forms of treatment and novel biotechnological applications. The principle of consent is a relatively new condition. In fact, already in the times of not only the Egyptian civilisation, but also the Greek and Roman, documents have been found which show how the doctor's intervention had, in some way, first to be approved by the patient. Plato (law IV) had already foreseen the problems, the procedures and the modes of information which are, in synthesis, at the root of the principles of the present formula of informed consent and correlated the practice of the information and consensus with the quality and social position of the patient. The only guarantee that the patient might have, derived from a fundamental principle of medicine of all times: "in disease, focus on two aims, to improve and not to cause damage". A figure can be recognised, in the Hippocratic physician, that cared about the patient's suffering, but never neglected looking after his own outcome, endeavouring to avoid becoming involved in lack of success and death of a patient. The concept of consensus is inexistent, albeit, there is an awareness of the presence of precautious and preventive information. In the behaviour of doctors, in ancient times, it is not difficult to recognize the true motives and the real reasons that, already in those days, give rise to the necessary "defensive medicine" particularly as far as concerns the social status of the patient. Already from the early origins, continuing the Hippocratic tradition, the relationship between doctor and patient was consolidated, based upon two very definite criteria, represented, on the one hand, by the professional duty of the physician to do what is bestfor the patient and, on the other, the duty of the patient to completely accept the physician's decisions and intervention. The Hippocratic physician respected a principle of professional responsibility which was more religious and of a moral type, but, from a legal point of view, very weak inasmuch as it depended upon regulations elaborated by human beings. The conviction and certainty that the physician acted, in the interest of his patient's well-being, has been passed down over the centuries endowing the physician with moral authority and a kind of legal impunity, conditions which corresponded, in an almost reflection-likefashion, with the duty of obedience and subjection, on the part of the patient. Christianity was grafted into this consolidated vision of the sacral character of medicine and medical practice, which did not substantially change the Hippocratic type of ethical behaviour. Non only the population but also the Christian physician was aware of the religious importance of his intense activity as a mission and compared to a special kind of priesthood in safe-guarding health, considered as a gift of God. Therefore, invested with this authority which derived from his professional role and from his very work, he felt it his duty to guide the patient, deciding and for him. The patient is an ignorant person who does not have the knowledge, the intellectual capacity or moral authority to oppose or disagree with the wishes and decisions of the physician who, instead, on account of his doctrine, knows exactly what is goodfor him. In this regard, if we were to speak of consensus concerning the physician's intervention, he would be considered useless in as much as obvious and understood when seeking help. The attitude of the patient towards the physician has always tended to one of strong faith and characterized by psychological subjection borne out by traditions thousands of years old. A patient who was sick, again, as an attitude of respect and gratitude, followed the treatment but never asked for any explanations regarding the therapeutic effects and the physician refrained from taking any initiative to inform the patient or his/her family. Each phenomenon, therefore, has a precise origin, a well-defined history and when its importance tends to significantly condition the activities concerning Man, a desire emerges to learn the origin and the history. As is well known, a trial commenced in Nuremberg, on December 19, 1946, of Nazi doctors and a code was defined in which the judges, all Americans, clearly emphasized a view of medical research and technology: science should never transform or consider human beings as an instrument to be employed for scientific purposes. In actual fact, documents exist providing evidence that a few decades before the drawing up of the Nuremberg Code, the need had been expressed, in Germany itself to somehow make medical interventions and actions legal by means of the use and practice of consensus. The moral and ethical principles in those documents, even if not available as bibliographic references in the English literature, certainly merit, from a historical viewpoint to be considered as conceptual elements and doctrinal and socio-cultural products, even if at that time, of little practical importance, which belong to the European culture and, in particular, and almost paradoxically, in the light of what happened, to the German culture. The United States of America is held to be the country of origin of informed consent, the initial aim of which was make sure that the correct dignity of the patient's independence be reserved at the time of decision making and choice of medical options. Reports on this topic, in fact, first appeared in the USA, at the beginning of the 18th Century, with problems focusing on and limited to only the simple rights of the patient in giving his/her approval of the health intervention later to be conceptually developed, along the lines of an itinerary with, at intervals, famous legal actions, until in the 20th Century, informed consent was reached, a criterion that, as is well known, foresees and includes not only the important and fundamental autonomy of the patient to decide, which stems ones personal rights, but also the essential objective element, which is, information. The expression informed consent has simply been transposed in Italian and roughly translated in an ambiguous fashion into "consenso informato" when, on the contrary, it should be referred to as "informazione per il consenso" "information for consensus" not only to respect the concept but, surely, for a more correct deciphering and a more precise interpretation related to the numerous concepts it presupposes and implies. Information and consent may be compared to the two sides of the same coin. These are the two important pillars that coincide and are joined giving weight to the medical responsibility, as far as concerns consent to the health intervention: on the one hand, having obtained consent,following correct and sincere information interpreted and deciphered as an important phase and an essential indicator of correct, scrupulous medico-professional procedure and, on the other, the consensus itself conceived as a duty aiming at the maximum respect of the rights to autodetermination, independence and autonomy of the patient, as a person. At the beginning of the Nineties, as we have seen, we were made aware of a series of legal actions regarding medical responsibility which was greatly conditioned by the Anglosaxon influence which initially induced many Italian magistrates and forensic physicians to adopt an extremely rigid attitude with no attempt to comply, in any way, with the culture and traditions of our country and our tradition which has always been inspired by good common sense, both medical and human. The American experience has been very rapidly adopted, by some, without a profound, complete and necessary historical and evolutional analysis aimed at those intertwined principles that have been motifs that have gradually led to the legal references in those emblematic cases referred to, the conclusions of which continue to attract a great deal of attention. In Italy, the legal and doctrinal evolution of informed consent, even if following a little more rapidly the traces, steps, problems and interpretations of the various aspects drawn up, characterized and applied in the United States, has not only occurred at a later time, but, despite reaching the same meaningful objectives, the same considerations, the same importance, and, unfortunately, the same inconveniences, has had quite different aims, approaches and articulations. In this respect, it is enough to focus attention on the different cultural traditions and religious routes, on the different doctrinal background, the particular historical origins and the individual legal aspects, all extremely different one from the other. (ABSTRACT TRUNCATED)

Christianity↗

Nurses' willingness to care for AIDS patients and spirituality, social support, and death anxiety.

OBJECTIVE: Use Rogers' (1992) framework of the science of unitary human beings to examine relationships among spirituality, perceived social support, death anxiety, and nurses' willingness to care for AIDS patients. DESIGN: Descriptive, correlational. POPULATION, SAMPLE, SETTING: Population, female RNs in the New York City Metropolitan area who care for patients with AIDS. Convenience sample of 220 RNs who worked in eight hospitals either on AIDS-dedicated units (n = 88), or medical-surgical scatterbed units (n = 132) with a daily AIDS patient census of between 5% to 50%. Data were collected in 1992. MEASURES: Spiritual Orientation Inventory, the Personal Resource Questionnaire-85, the Templer Death Anxiety Scale, and the Willingness to Care for AIDS Patients Instrument. METHODS: Pearson product-moment correlations and hierarchical multiple regression analyses to test hypotheses. FINDINGS: Willingness to care for AIDS patients was positively correlated with spirituality and perceived social support, and negatively correlated with death anxiety. Death anxiety moderated the relationship between spirituality and willingness to care. In total, 17% of the variance in nurses' willingness to care for AIDS patients was explained. Additional regression analyses indicated that group membership as either an AIDS-dedicated nurse or medical-surgical nurse did not moderate or change hypothesized relationships. CONCLUSION: Because group membership explained 22% of the variance in willingness to care, the data indicate that group culture or professional identity should be further examined as predictors of nurses' willingness to care for AIDS patients. CLINICAL IMPLICATIONS: Social support at work from administrators and colleagues, as well as the support from patients themselves is important to nurses and should be fostered.

Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome↗

The effect of Nazism on medical progress in gastroenterology: the inefficiency of evil.

While Nazism is almost universally recognized as a great evil, control of science and medicine by the totalitarian Nazi state might be viewed as increasing efficiency. Scientific methods are applied to semiquantitatively analyze the effects of Nazism on medical progress in gastroenterology to document its pernicious effects, and to honor outstanding gastroenterologists persecuted or murdered by the Nazis. This is a retrospective, quasi-case-controlled study. To disprove the null hypothesis that Nazism was efficient, retarded progress in gastroenterology is demonstrated by (1) enumerating the loss to Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1944 due to violent death, incarceration, or forced exile of key researchers in gastroenterology, defined by authorship of at least one book or 10 articles in peer-reviewed journals or other outstanding scholarship; (2) demonstrating a statistically significantly greater loss in Nazi Germany than in non-Nazi (Weimar German Republic from 1921 to 1932) or anti-Nazi (democratic America from 1933 to 1944) control groups; and (3) demonstrating that each loss was directly due to Nazism (murder, incarceration, or exile due to documented threat of violence/death or revocation of medical license). Sources of error in analyzing events from 70 years ago are described. Nazi Germany and Nazi-occupied Europe gained 0 and lost 53 key gastroenterology researchers, including 32 lost due to forced exile, 11 murdered by the Nazis, 5 lost due to suicide under threat of violence, 3 in hiding from the Gestapo, and 2 for other reasons. Fifty-two of the gastroenterologists were persecuted solely because they were Jewish or of Jewish descent and one because he was a Christian anti-Nazi Polish patriot. Particularly severe losses occurred in endoscopy. The loss in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1944 was significantly greater than that in non-Nazi Germany and Austria from 1921 to 1932 (53 versus 4; odds ratio = 25.27; 95% CI: 9.01-70.48; P < 0.0001) and was significantly greater than that in anti-Nazi America from 1933 to 1944 (53 versus 0; odds ratio > 104.0; 95% CI: 17.62-608.95; P < 0.0001). Lost physicians in Nazi Germany (with reasons for loss) included Ismar Boas, the father of modern gastroenterology (suicide after medical license revoked); Hans Popper, the father of hepatopathology (fled impending arrest); Rudolph Nissen, the father of antireflux surgery (fled after job dismissal); Rudolph Schindler, the father of semiflexible endoscopy (fled after incarceration); Heinrich Lamm, the first to experimentally demonstrate fiberoptic transmission and the first to suggest its applicability for gastroscopy (fled after medical license revoked); Hermann Strauss, a pioneer in rigid sigmoidoscopy (suicide in a concentration camp); A.A.H. van den Bergh, who discovered the van den Bergh reaction to differentiate indirect from direct bilirubin (died in hiding in Nazi-occupied Holland); and Kurt Isselbacher, subsequently the Chief of Gastroenterology at Harvard Medical School (fled in childhood after a grandfather murdered by Nazis). All four refugee physicians who were reexposed to Nazi domination, after a regime change in their country of refuge, fled again or committed suicide. The Nazi damage to German and Austrian gastroenterology was immense, e.g., 13 of 14 major international discoveries in diagnostic gastroscopy were made by Germans or Austrians before the Third Reich, versus only 1 of 8 subsequently (odds ratio = 91; 95% CI: 3.58-13,887.61; P < 0.001). Eighteen (34%) of the persecuted physicians immigrated to America, thereby contributing to the postwar flourishing of American gastroenterology, particularly gastrointestinal endoscopy. In conclusion, the Third Reich severely retarded and reversed medical progress in gastroenterology in Germany. The inefficiency of Nazism, as herein documented, is attributable to the Nazi commitment of so much human, economic, and social resources to the military to wage wars of aggression, to the secret police (Gestapo) to pursue and exterminate perceived internal enemies, and to the Party to control and regiment civil society. Most inefficient is the incarceration, exile, or murder of Germany's most trained physicians and talented researchers because of religion or race, sociological parameters that are irrelevant to productivity. Intimidation and repression stifle scientific scholarship and creativity. This work disproves the myth of the efficiency of Nazism, and like tyrannies, by the novel application of semiquantitative scientific methodology to assess causality in medical history.

Austria↗