Risk pools called valuable option.
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Thirty states operate high-risk pools intended to offer coverage to persons denied coverage in the individual health insurance market. But in most states the high-risk pool mirrors the individual market's problems: Coverage is expensive, the waiting period for coverage of preexisting conditions is long, and benefits may be limited. A few states with high-risk pools have addressed these problems by adequately funding high enrollment and comprehensive benefits; some also require the market to accept more risk. But most discourage enrollment in the high-risk pool in myriad ways and fall to ensure access to the individual market for persons with health problems.
An increasing number of major purchasers of health services now consider capitation to be the preferred method of payment for individual physicians and small group practices. This paper is a primer on capitation payment plans for small risk pools. It describes some of the basic economic issues that purchasers and providers face when negotiating small-panel capitation contracts, including sources of risk, techniques of risk reduction and risk sharing. An empirical section analyses the experience of a plan that took a chance with the law (law of large numbers) and lost.
One policy response to both the growing number of uninsured and the increased volume of uncompensated care is the development of revenue pools to explicitly finance uncompensated care. Despite the growing popularity of this response, few analyses have examined their success in financing uncompensated care and improving access to the uninsured. This study examines one such program developed as part of New York State's all-payer rate-setting system. The results indicate that the revenue pools improved the financial condition of New York hospitals but were less effective in improving access to care by the uninsured. The latter result was traced to the method selected by New York to measure "need" and distribute payments to hospitals. If the goal of such programs is to earmark payments to the uninsured, methods other than the New York system should be employed.
More than 30 million Americans lack health insurance, and millions more are "underinsured." Meanwhile, the cost of health care in the United States is escalating, and some of our care is of questionable value. This article presents a health care reform strategy that addresses these three fundamental problems in the US health care system. The strategy, designed to empower consumers to make cost-conscious health care choices, combines a universal tax credit that enables all Americans to purchase basic health coverage; insurance reforms including pooling and reinsurance mechanisms; requirements that all employers make insurance available to their employees and that all consumers purchase coverage; and efforts to measure and improve the quality and efficiency of health care services. This strategy would help us to achieve universal health insurance coverage, while creating the proper incentives for cost control. In addition, it can be largely internally financed through savings automatically triggered by its implementation.
Health care for the elderly in Japan is financed through a pool to which all insurers contribute. We analyzed insurers' financial data to evaluate this redistribution system. Cost sharing affected financial performance substantially. The current formula for cost-sharing redistributes elderly health care costs unequally and should be changed.
It's a bold new world in healthcare insurance. A few years ago, insurers would have been reluctant to use advertising dollars to reach the uninsured. But now, as the average income of the typical uninsured person is climbing and Congress is pondering initiatives to expand coverage, the market is gaining zealous suitors. "Things are really heating up," says Merrill Matthews Jr., left, director of the Council for Affordable Health Insurance.
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The goals of health care reform and the antitrust laws are similar: promotion of consumer welfare. Under reform, having large groups of consumers and providers will offer substantial efficiencies in purchasing and providing health care services but also will pose some antitrust risks. Health alliances may have excessive market power. Health plans and provider networks may have the potential to foreclose competition from actual or potential rivals. Mergers and joint ventures between providers will proliferate but may raise similar problems. Explicit exemptions from the antitrust laws-through federal or state legislation-may significantly limit the benefits of competition for consumers. A reformed health care system will not reduce the need for antitrust enforcement.
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President Clinton's Health Security Act relies on government regulation, not market forces, to control costs. The act creates an entitlement to comprehensive benefits and places the federal budget at risk for total health care costs in order to achieve universal coverage; it creates a system of new state purchasing monopsonies; and it attempts to control costs with price controls on health plan premiums, set and administered by a National Health Board that would be part of the executive branch, not insulated from political considerations. We believe there is a better way.
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