[Work experience central reform: job democracy and management democracy].
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In order to understand "ideological democracy" and its consecuences for therapy it is important to study the ideology of group members from the psychodynamic standpoint. Ideology is understood as a system of rules to interpret reality, although from a theoretical point of view, we contend reality itself is free from ideology. Ideology is thus defined as a cognitive system, stemming from emotional matrices of the psychosexual development of personality. The understanding of how the members of the Therapeutic Community attain "ideological democracy" is, to our mind, essential in order to be able to attain therapeutic goals. After a brief introduction the paper deals with ideology and its relationship with different personality structures: hysteric, phobic, psychopatic, depressive, paranoid and schizoid. Several common mechanisms for building ideology are set forth. The final conclusion is that such an analysis helps to ascertain the best strategies for community therapy.
In this article, the author analyzes the struggle for workers' health in Mexico, emphasizing the importance of the general and specific political context. In an overview of the legislation on industrial health and safety, the state institutions involved in the issue, and the characteristics of union organization in Mexico, the author shows that the limited activities related to workers' health have more to do with the relative political weakness of the Mexican working class than with the formal structures of legislation, state institutions, and unions. The second part of the article deals with the four most important struggles for health and safety in Mexico during the last ten years, which show some similarities. These struggles are consistently linked to processes of union democratization and tend to decline when union democracy is lost. The strategies of the companies show a common pattern: removing health issues from collective bargaining and putting them in the hands of state institutions. When workers have opposed this solution, management has used selective repression to solve the conflict. The state institutions subordinate their position to the companies' by postponing action or by doing a technically poor job. Changing the existing situation involves the social legitimation of the workers' health issue, since this would have an impact on the political processes involved, i.e., corporate control over workers, authoritarian labor relations and professionalism, and resources of the state institutions.
Do the political outlook and electoral behavior of the elderly differ notably from that of younger adults in leading capitalist democracies? A cross-national examination of poll data suggests that on the whole they do not. Among the aged certain cross-national differences in rates of political participation beyond voting may be related to differences in national socio-political structures as well as differences in individual attributes.
Psychiatry residents respond with a variety of coping mechanisms to the lack of traditional structure in a milieu participatory democracy. To incorporate themselves into the system they must accept such democratic ideals as equality among staff and patients, group decision making, and free self-expression and give up some of their traditional ideas about staff and patient roles, treatment modalities, and the therapeutic environment. The author was a first-year resident in psychiatry on a university hospital inpatient therapeutic community; he discusses the conflicts between residents, who often adopt a "we-they" attitude, and the permanent staff, whose protectiveness of the ward community reflects their personal commitment to its ideals.
During the last two decades, Americans initially discovered that millions of fellow-citizens were going hungry, then acted to virtually eliminate the problem, and, in the 1980s, learned that hunger has reappeared in epidemic proportions. Hunger, particularly in a wealthy democracy, is most appropriately seen as a form of institutionalized violence, the product of ideologies that fail to distribute national abundance in a manner that achieves the possible goal of preventing hunger. The return of hunger to the United States is associated with economic and tax policies that have reallocated income distribution from poor and middle-income groups to the wealthy, and with a concomitant reluctance to utilize the federal government to protect needy citizens from undernutrition associated with growing economic deprivation.
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A large body of literature documents that increased worker participation leads to improvements in the working environment. This article identifies the Swedish and Norwegian sources of some of this research and notes the link with social policy, namely, legislative reform in those countries. In contrast, the United States has resisted legislative solutions, but that may be changing. New strategies to democratize the workplace are a result of global economic competition, desire to reduce job stress and compensation costs, and more successful application of new technologies at work. These are examined and some conclusions are drawn about next stages in the reform efforts.
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