Ethnic fertility differences in Canada, 1926-71: an examination of assimilation hypothesis.
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The role of socioeconomic and other cultural factors as determinants of fertility change has been widely discussed, with some scholars emphasising an inverse relation between socioeconomic development and fertility, others suggesting that no such relation necessarily exists, and yet others indicating that by using data from various sources it is possible to "prove" that a given country's crude birth rate has declined, remained unchanged or increased. Demographic data are presented on age-sex structure, completed and total fertility rates, and age specific fertility rates by age cohorts of women, from several small, anthropological population units of West Bengal, India and Upper Khumbu, Nepal, exposed to various physical and cultural environmental stresses. The data show that fertility has declined in most of the populations/subpopulations studied and that the decline may, deductively, be attributed to economic development via greater family planning practices.
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Recent data from Bangladesh reveal evidence of some fertility decline. Although fertility increased among younger age groups between 1975 and 1983, it was offset by a decrease in fertility in the older age groups, resulting in a slight overall decrease in total fertility in 1983. Fertility was lower among urban residents, educated mothers and contraceptive users than among rural residents, uneducated mothers and contraceptive non-users, respectively, particularly in 1983.
A comparison of contraceptive and fertility data for 1985-91 with data for 1983 shows that fertility has continued to decline in Bangladesh, in all segments of society. The magnitude of decline varied according to educational level, region and urban-rural locality. The percentage decline in total marital fertility rate was somewhat higher among urban than rural residents; educated women showed greater declines than uneducated, increasing the overall educational differences in total fertility by 1991. Factors contributing to the recent decline in fertility are discussed.
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Although the fertility decline in the black population in the Mississippi Delta between the late 1870's and early 1930's closely paralleled that of the national black population, it rose much more dramatically in the 1940's and 1950's to almost 1880 levels. Given the especially rural and oppressed conditions of blacks there, the initial decline seems puzzling. Low fertility rates in the 1930's reflected a large proportion of childless females. Investigations of changing contraceptive usage and mate exposure suggest both were minor components at most. Several physiological impairments were investigated including dietary deficiences, malaria, tuberculosis, and sexually transmitted diseases (STD). Evidence suggests STD played the major role, facilitated by nutritional and other health problems. Models relying heavily on those developed by McFalls and McFalls (1984) suggest 50-80 percent of the decline could have been due to the spread of STD. Age-specific birth rates for different periods and post-World-War-II fertility increases seem consistent with this finding.
Data from the 1981-82 Nigeria Fertility Survey (NFS) are used to identify the key proximate determinants of fertility in Nigeria. The patterns of their individual and collective effects are analyzed in a search for possible sources of fertility change. Exposure to the risk of childbearing through first marriage is found to be the most important proximate determinant of Nigerian fertility. Subsequent to marriage, fertility is determined mainly by breastfeeding and postpartum sexual abstinence. Where fertility shows significant socioeconomic variations, there are equally identifiable patterns of the impact of the proximate determinants which explain these differentials to a large extent. On a national scale, the observed patterns of the impact of the measured proximate determinants do not appear to suggest that Nigerian fertility is soon to experience a large decline.
An analysis of Canada's changing pattern of births during the period 1971-1988 suggests that the tempo and timing of fertility has changed. Between 1971 and 1988, the number and rates of first births to women in their 30s increased rapidly, and rates for women younger than 25 declined. The rate of first births (first births per 1,000 women) for women 30-34 increased from 11.5 in 1971 to 17.1 in 1981 and to 22.3 in 1988--a 94% increase over the 17 years. The rate for women 35-39 also rose from 3.0 in 1971 to 3.6 in 1981 and 5.9 in 1988--a 97% increase occurring mostly in the 1980s.
An excess of male over female deaths is characteristic of modern national populations, whereas in some high-mortality societies female mortality exceeds that of males. Among the Semai Senoi, a Malaysian Orang Asli ("aboriginal") population, women experienced higher mortality than males in the decades before 1969. This differential occurred in all age classes older than 15 years so that the sex ratio progressively increased with age. A recent (1987) restudy of the Semai population found that sex-specific differential mortality is much reduced. A comparison of the 1969 and 1987 life tables shows a sharp shift in the sex ratios of mortality for the post-15-year-old age classes (the geometric means of age classes 15-44 were 0.768 in 1969 and 0.997 in 1987) so that male and female expectations of further life at age 15 are now nearly identical. In contrast to the best-known cases of high female mortality (mostly in South Asia), Semai sex differential mortality does not include the childhood ages. The Semai have traditionally been relatively sexually egalitarian, and sex bias in care has not occurred. Analysis of sex-specific causes of death for the pre-1969 population suggests that maternal mortality is the major cause of the excess female deaths. The reduced number of maternal deaths seems largely due to better health care, particularly the availability of hospital services. Interestingly, the reduction in female mortality has occurred simultaneously with increased fertility, and overall mortality has continued at relatively high levels (eO less than 36). Thus, rather than forming a component of a unitary demographic transition, declining sex differences in mortality can be accounted for by a specific factor, better maternal care.
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