[Households and families: toward new ways of life?].
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The number of U.S. households rose by 58 percent between 1960 and 1983, with nontraditional household types accounting for most of the increase. Whereas the number of households containing married couples with children younger than 18 rose by only four percent over the period, one-parent households increased by 175 percent; one-person households, by 173 percent; and households composed of unmarried couples, by 331 percent. In 1983, households maintained by married couples constituted six in 10 U.S. households; the second most common household type--adults living alone--accounted for about one-quarter of all households. Lone parents living with their children represent nearly one in 10 households. Almost all of these parents are women--of whom two-thirds are separated or divorced, one-quarter have never been married, and fewer than one in 10 are widows. Among adults living alone, women aged 45 and older predominate; but the rate at which the practice has been adopted since 1960 has been greatest among those under age 45. Most of the growth in the number of one-person households occurred during the 1970s. The increase in cohabitation--most of it also in the 1970s--has similarly been concentrated in the younger age-groups. The living arrangements of children younger than 18 have changed accordingly over the two decades. Since 1960, the number of children living with two parents has declined by nearly one-fifth, and the number living with one parent--generally the mother--has more than doubled.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)
"Secondary analysis of General Household Survey and Labour Force Survey data shows how the structure of families in Great Britain has changed over the last 20 years. Dependent children are now less likely to be living in a couple family and more likely to be living with a lone mother who is either single or divorced. Families in simple households with just two generations have become more common over time. Lone mothers are now more likely to be living in simple households. The paper also considers how the number and ages of dependent children are associated with family and household type. Log-linear models are used both to smooth the data and to predict family structure in the year 2000. Gaps in our knowledge about current family structures are discussed together with implications of the findings for social policy."
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This paper explores two hypotheses: first, that household structure, the people who live in one's household, and perceived family, the people one considers members of one's family, are different entities among urban black pregnant women; and second, that the perceived family is a stronger predictor of social, psychological, and health outcomes than is household structure. The study data are from the first interview of a prospective study of a consecutive sample of 140 black pregnant women patients of a Cleveland, Ohio, university hospital family practice center. The study hypotheses are supported: household structure and perceived family differ in their size and the inclusion or exclusion of members of the family of origin and the father of the baby. Household structure is strongly correlated with demographic variables such as age, socioeconomic status, and household income, whereas perceived family is less strongly associated with these measures. Perceived family, but not household structure, is associated with family functioning, measures of psychological status, worries about household change, and better family and parental relationships during the woman's childhood.
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The bidirectional relation between life events and self-reported depression was examined across a 1-year period. With Time 1 depression controlled, Time 2 stress accounted for an additional 10% of Time 2 depressive symptoms. Health-related stress, family violence, and financial stress at Time 2 predicted Time 2 depression after control for Time 1 depression. With Time 1 stress controlled, Time 2 depression accounted for 8% of the variance in Time 2 stress. Time 2 depression predicted Time 2 health-related stress, financial stress, household changes, spouse-partner stress, family violence stress, and substance abuse stress, controlling for each of these stressors at Time 1. The results describe a complex relation between stress and depression and suggest that the relation between stress and depression is moderated by the type of stress.
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Data from 600 households in the province of Lublin, Poland, are used to assess the relationships among self-rated household health, change in health status, sociodemographic characteristics, food purchasing behavior changes, and health care seeking behaviors. High ratings of health are enjoyed by rural families headed by comparatively young individuals with high education. Average household health is also a function of household changes in food purchasing behavior over the past 5 years and per capita consumption of starch-based foods. Families consuming greater proportions of bread and potatoes and purchasing foods of reduced quality, quantity, and price experience lower average levels of subjective physical health than other families. Reduction or postponement of medical or dental care over the past 5 years did not affect health status in this model.
This paper discusses the microgeographies of unemployed women with multiple sclerosis, as they manage the physical, social and economic consequences of their illness. Recent directions in the geography of health and health care draw attention to the relationships between space, place and health experience, and in this paper a focus on the everyday lives of women with Multiple Sclerosis reveals the complex interweaving of space, physical impairment and gender in how they experience place. In-depth interviews were used in the study to investigate how women occupied and used home and neighbourhood space after leaving the paid labour force. The majority of women were found to experience shrinking social and geographical worlds which rendered their lives increasingly hidden from view as patterns of social interaction changed and use of public space diminished. The paper discusses the women's residential and household changes, mediated by marital and socio-economic status, and presents two brief case studies to illustrate the remapping of the meanings of work and place as women renegotiate their lifeworlds. The focus of the study on the spatio-temporal settings of the women's everyday lives revealed an interplay of biomedical discourse, policy structures, sociocultural norms and local sets of social relations that shaped the strategies the women used in reconstructing their lives. The women showed a diversity of responses, but these were all characterized by a restructuring of home and neighbourhood space, a reordering of personal relationships and increasing interpenetration of the public sphere in their private lives. The findings suggest that attention to the body in its geographical as well as social context provides an avenue for investigating the links between subjective experience and the broader social relations and processes which shape the illness experience.
The author examines migration trends in Malay villages. "This report deals with the case of Galok, a settlement opened in the last decade of nineteenth century about 40 kilometers up the Kelantan River, based on field data collected in 1970/71 and 1984." The low rate of population growth due to migration is analyzed, with a focus on the impact of rural-urban migration and changes in household composition. (SUMMARY IN ENG)
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One of the most dramatic changes in the life of the elderly in the United States in the twentieth century is the rise in the proportion of elderly widows living alone. This paper examines this transformation by comparing the determinants of elderly widows' living alone at four points in time, in 1910, 1940, 1960, and 1990. Logistic regression models of the probability of living alone are estimated. The results of these models are used to calculate the expected proportion of elderly widows living alone in various hypothetical scenarios of social change. This analysis suggests that no single factor is responsible for the rise in living alone among the elderly. Value changes, as represented by a variable for time, are shown to have strong and direct effects on the increased probability of living alone in old age in the late twentieth century, independent of the effect of rising income levels. These results are discussed in light of previous research on living arrangements of the elderly, which articulates demographic, economic, and cultural explanations for change.