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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources
PubMed2000

The relationship between maternal and offspring birth weights after maternal prenatal famine exposure: the Dutch Famine Birth Cohort Study.

We examined the impact of famine-induced changes in maternal birth weight (MBW) on the association between MBW and offspring birth weight (OBW). Women born before, during, and after the Dutch Famine of 1944-1945 were interviewed at ages 41 to 46 years. Women (n = 582) and their children (n = 1,111) were included in the analysis if both mother and child were singleton and the child was not delivered preterm. Mean birth weight (BW) of women with first-trimester exposure (n = 110) was 154 g higher (p = 0.008), and mean BW of women with third-trimester exposure (n = 138) was 251 g lower (p < 0.001) than mean BW of unexposed women (n = 302). First-born offspring of women with first-trimester exposure were 72 g heavier (95% confidence interval [CI], -57 to 201; p = 0.27), and offspring of women with third-trimester exposure were 43 g lighter (95% CI, -170 to 79; p = 0.47) than offspring of unexposed women. Among unexposed women, each 100 g increase in MBW was associated with 25 g (95% CI, 12 to 37) increase in OBW (adjusted for maternal age, smoking, weight, and height and offspring sex). This association was attenuated in famine-exposed women (first-trimester change in OBW = 20 g per 100 g MBW; 95% CI, -1 to 41; third-trimester change in OBW = 14 g per 100 g MBW; 95% CI, -9 to 37). When MBW and trimester of maternal famine exposure were considered in a joint model, there was no independent effect of trimester of maternal famine exposure on OBW. Associations were less consistent for later-born offspring. We conclude that maternal prenatal famine exposure does not affect the association between maternal and offspring BW. Trimester of exposure was not a determinant of OBW, other than through its effect on MBW. Nevertheless, acute famine may impact on second-generation BW distributions indirectly, through its effect on the distribution of MBW.

Acute Disease↗
PubMed1995

Famine, third-trimester pregnancy weight gain, and intrauterine growth: the Dutch Famine Birth Cohort Study.

Data from the Dutch Famine Birth Cohort Study were analyzed to assess the influence of acute famine on the relation of maternal weight gain to birth weight, length, and ponderal index. Records were examined for 734 women receiving at least one month of prenatal care and delivering live-born singleton females at the University of Amsterdam Teaching Hospital between August 1944 and April 1946. This period preceded, encompassed, and followed the Hunger Winter, a severe famine. After adjusting for covariates, weight loss or low to moderate (< or = 0.5 kg/week) weight gain was strongly associated with (p < 0.001 for each model) with offspring birth weight, length, and ponderal index and with trimester of famine exposure. At weight gains greater than 0.5 kg/week further weight gain was not associated with birth size. Among women losing weight or gaining < or = 0.5 kg/week the association between third-trimester weight change and birth weight among mother-daughter pairs exposed to famine in early or mid-pregnancy was stronger than the association observed among the unexposed cohort or among those exposed only late in pregnancy. Our results suggest that acute maternal nutritional deprivation affects fetal growth only below a threshold and that, conversely, even after a famine period offspring birth size does not respond in a linear fashion to ad libitum maternal feeding.

Adult↗
PubMed1997

In utero exposure to famine and subsequent fertility: The Dutch Famine Birth Cohort Study.

OBJECTIVES: We hypothesized that if prenatal caloric restriction due to nutritional deprivation had affected development of the organs responsible for producing and regulating female reproductive hormones, a woman's fertility would be impaired. METHODS: Women born in Amsterdam from August 1, 1944, through April 15, 1946, a period encompassing a severe 5-month famine, were identified (n = 700; 85% response rate). Date of birth and vital status of all offspring were ascertained by home interview between 1987 and 1991. Famine exposure was inferred from the mother's date of birth. RESULTS: Of the study participants, 74 (10.6%) had no children. The remainder reported 1334 off-spring (1294 singletons, 20 pairs of twins), of whom 14 were stillborn and 22 died in the first 7 days of life. There was no detectable effect of famine exposure on age at menarche, the proportion having no children, age at first delivery, or family size. An excess of perinatal deaths occurred among offspring of famine-exposed women, particularly those exposed in their third trimester. CONCLUSIONS: Acute famine exposure in utero appears to have no adverse consequences for a woman's fertility. The excess perinatal mortality in the second generation is unexplained and should be confirmed by other studies.

Adult↗
PubMed1975

The Dutch famine, 1944-1945, and the reproductive process. I. Effects on six indices at birth.

Prenatal exposure to the Dutch famine of 1944-1945 reduced postpartum maternal weight, birth weight, placental weight, length at birth, and head circumference at birth. These conclusions are based on maternities occurring in the famine area and exposed to famine during some part of gestation as compared both with maternities in nonfamine areas, and with maternities before and after the famine. Third trimester exposure accounted for the whole of the famine effects. Length of gestation was not affected by third trimester exposure, and did not mediate the effects on infant exposure, and did not mediate the effects on infant dimensions at birth. Effects were apparent only below a threshold value of official food rations of 1,500 cal daily average during the third trimester. (Calorie value for official food rations can be assumed to be lower than actual food intake.) Maternal weight declined 4.3% during the famine and rose 10.5% after the famine. Birth weight declined 9% during the famine, and rose 9% after the famine. Placental weight declined 15% during the famine, and rose 14% after the famine. Length at birth declined 2.5% during the famine, and rose 1.5% after the famine. Head circumference declined 2.7% during the famine, and rose 2.4% afterward.

Anthropometry↗
PubMed2001

Adult survival after prenatal exposure to the Dutch famine 1944--45.

Early life events may affect adult survival. We studied the effect of prenatal exposure to the Dutch famine 1944--45 on survival among 2254 people born in Amsterdam. Mortality up to age 50 was highest among those born before the famine (15.2%) and among those exposed to famine in late gestation (14.6%). It was lower among those exposed in mid- (11.2%) or early gestation (11.5%), and was lowest among those conceived after the famine (7.2%). These differences were caused by effects on mortality in the first year after birth and were mainly related to nutrition and infections. There was no effect of exposure to famine on mortality after the age of 18. The hazard ratio was 1.4 [0.8, 2.3] for those born before the famine, 1.1 [0.5, 2.3] for those exposed in late gestation, 0.8 [0.3, 1.8] for those exposed in mid-gestation and 1.1 [0.5, 2.5] in those exposed in early gestation compared with those conceived after the famine. We could not demonstrate effects of prenatal exposure to famine on cause-specific mortality after the age of 18. Because prenatal exposure to famine is linked to cardiovascular risk factors and disease, increased cardiovascular mortality in the future may be expected.

Adult↗
PubMed1997

No increased mortality in later life for cohorts born during famine.

Nutrition early in life may influence adult mortality. The fetal-origins hypothesis suggests that nourishment before birth and during the individual's infancy programs the development of risk factors for several important diseases of middle and old age. The present study was designed to evaluate the impact of extreme nutritional deprivation in utero and during infancy and early childhood on mortality in later life. The authors analyzed the survival of the cohorts born in Finland during the severe 1866-1868 famine and during the 5 years immediately preceding and 5 years immediately following the famine. The study included 331,932 individuals born prior to the famine, 161,744 born during the famine, and 323,321 born after the famine. The authors assessed survival by cohorts from birth to age 17 years and from age 17 to 40, 60, and 80 years, as well as average length of life after age 80 years. Survival from birth to age 17 years was significantly lower in cohorts born before and during the famine than in the cohorts born after the famine (males, 0.566 vs. 0.671, a difference of 0.105 (95% confidence interval (CI) 0.102-0.108); females, 0.593 vs. 0.692, a difference of 0.099 (95% CI 0.096-0.102)). At subsequent ages, including old age, mortality was practically identical in the famine-born cohorts and in the five cohorts born before and after the crisis. For both males and females, survival from 17 to 80 years and mean remaining lifetime at age 80 years were very similar across the 13 cohorts studied. These findings suggest that, although cohorts subjected to prolonged and extreme nutritional deprivation in utero and during infancy and early childhood suffer an immediate rise in mortality, after the crisis has passed, they carry no aftereffects that influence their survival in later life.

Adolescent↗
PubMed1987

The phenomenon of famine.

Famines are sustained, extreme shortages of food among discrete populations sufficient to cause high rates of mortality. Signs and symptoms of prolonged food deprivation include loss of fat and subcutaneous tissue, depression, apathy, and weakness, which progress to immobility and death of the individual, often from superimposed respiratory or other infections. The social consequences of famines are disruption from mass migrations of people in search of food, breakdown of social behavior, abandonment of cooperative effort, loss of personal pride and sense of family ties, and finally a struggle for individual survival. Famines have been common ever since the development of agriculture made human settlements possible. Food shortages due to crop failures caused by natural disasters including poor weather, insect plagues, and plant diseases; crop destruction due to warfare; and enforced starvation as a political tool are by no means the only causative factors. Many of the worst famines have been due to poor distribution of existing food supplies, either because of inequities that result in a lack of purchasing power on the part of the poor or because of political interference with normal distribution or relief movements of food. Europe and Asia, which in the past experienced frequent severe famines, sometimes with deaths in the hundreds of thousands or millions, have now largely eliminated famines through social and technological change. However, in Africa, political and social factors have destroyed the capacity of many populations to survive drought-induced variations in local food supplies and prices. Thus, famines are due to varying combinations of inadequacy of food supplies for whatever reason and the inability of populations to acquire food because of poverty, civil disturbances, or political interference. Despite the role of natural causes, the conclusion is inescapable that modern famines, like most of those in history, are man-made.

Demography↗
PubMed2002

Why do people die in famines? Evidence from three island populations.

There is surprisingly little consensus about what people die of during famines. In this paper, the causes of the increases in mortality during the Greek famine of 1941-43 are examined. The focus of the study is three island populations: Syros, Hios, and Mykonos. Death registration for these islands was not disrupted during the famine and the records give cause for death, certified by a doctor. Archival material and hospital records are utilized to assess public health during the famine. The findings point to the overwhelming importance of starvation for increased mortality during the famine and the virtual absence of either significant epidemics of infectious diseases or a breakdown in the public health system. The paper concludes by comparing the findings for the Greek famine with those for other famines. A model that attempts to explain the different courses that famine mortality can take is proposed.

Death↗
PubMed1996

Social contract and deterring famine: first thoughts.

The links between certain kinds of political systems and protection against famine are investigated in this paper. The starting-point is a critique of Amartya Sen's observation that famines are unknown in countries with a free press and competitive elections. This holds true only in India because of a unique political history in which freedom from famine became a right, upon which political legitimacy was founded: an anti-famine 'social contract'. The rise and decline of anti-famine systems in Africa is charted. Major reasons for decay include neo-liberalism and the international humanitarian system, both of which undermine relationships of domestic political accountability that underpin effective famine prevention. A number of politically regressive tendencies in 'actually existing humanitarianism' are identified that work against any nascent anti-famine social contracts in Africa. This is possible because famine prevention has not been established as a right in Africa.

Africa↗
PubMed1986

Fertility trends, excess mortality, and the Great Irish Famine.

This paper has developed estimates of the age-specific mortality rates prevailing during the Great Irish Famine and has analyzed fertility trends during the 25 years before the Famine. Our calculations confirm that 1 million Irish people perished as a result of this disaster. This figure does not include the deaths among the 1.3 million emigrants who left Ireland during the Famine period. The Famine produced a significant drop in the fertility rate, and we estimate that more than 300,000 births did not take place as a result of the Famine. The effects were especially severe on the very young and the very old, a result echoed in the findings of demographic analyses of other famines. Our procedure permits a reconstruction of the Irish population by age and sex during the period 1821-1841. In addition, it yields year-by-year estimates of the birth rate over this period. We estimate that the rate fell by about 14 percent, a result robust to our assumptions regarding emigration. Economic historians have debated this issue, and we hope that our evidence, although preliminary, will be of assistance. Our analysis also permits year-by-year reconstruction of Irish population totals for the period 1821-1851. Two years are of particular interest. Virtually all recent writers, with the notable exception of Lee (1981), have suggested that the 1831 census returns overestimated the actual population resident in Ireland at that date. Our reconstruction supports the validity of the 1831 census figure. We obtain a total of 7,847,000, which is in good agreement with the disputed census figure of 7,767,000. But perhaps the most interesting figure is the population total for the end of 1845, the highest ever achieved in Ireland. We estimate that the population on the eve of the Great Famine was 8,525,000. Throughout the paper we have tried to highlight those areas in which the data are unreliable, unavailable, or distorted. We have tried to devise cross-checks for consistency and to test the sensitivity of the results to a range of assumptions. A case in point concerns the age-sex profile and volume of emigration to England, Scotland, and Wales. Additional work at the micro level would be helpful here. More solid evidence on Famine births would also be helpful. The parish registers we have sampled certainly provide a clue to trends, but we have only made a start in that respect. A much more comprehensive survey is needed to convey the national picture.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

Birth Rate↗
PubMed1998

The Dutch famine and schizophrenia spectrum disorders.

In the Dutch Hunger Winter at the end of World War II a combination of circumstances created the conditions of a natural experiment. Unlike other famines, the Dutch famine struck at a precisely circumscribed time and place, and in a society able to document the timing and severity of the nutritional deprivation as well as the effects on fertility and health. Because the Dutch maintained comprehensive military and health records, it was possible to compare the incidence of neurodevelopmental disorders in adulthood for birth cohorts exposed versus those unexposed to prenatal famine. We have conducted several studies guided by the hypothesis that prenatal micronutrient deficiencies can cause neurodevelopmental schizophrenia or related personality disorders. In this paper we shall summarize our previous work and combine the outcome data of the different studies. Early prenatal famine was found to be specifically and robustly associated with each of three conditions: (1) congenital anomalies of the central nervous system, (2) schizophrenia, and (3) schizophrenia spectrum personality disorders. We found that the greatest increase in the risk of schizophrenia spectrum disorder- schizophrenia plus spectrum personality disorder- occurred among males born in the famine cities in December 1945 (relative risk = 2.7; 95% confidence interval = 1.5-5.1). Persons born in December 1945 were generally conceived at the absolute peak of the famine (March-April 1945). In the hope that the associations we have found may offer clues to the aetiology of schizophrenia, we are currently tracing and examining the cases of schizophrenia after prenatal exposure to famine.

Adult↗
PubMed1998

Glucose tolerance in adults after prenatal exposure to famine.

BACKGROUND: Reduced growth in utero is associated with type 2 (non-insulin-dependent) diabetes and impaired glucose tolerance in adult life. There is no direct evidence in human beings that maternal nutrition during gestation affects insulin-glucose metabolism. We investigated glucose tolerance in people born around the time of famine in the Netherlands during 1944-45. METHODS: We included 702 people born between Nov 1, 1943, and Feb 28, 1947, in Amsterdam, for whom we had detailed prenatal and birth records. We compared glucose and insulin responses to a standard oral glucose load in participants exposed to famine at any stage during gestation (exposed participants) with those who were born in the year before or conceived in the year after the famine (non-exposed participants). FINDINGS: Glucose concentrations were increased 2 h after a standard glucose load among exposed participants (p = 0.006), and were highest in men and women exposed during mid and late gestation. Mean 2 h glucose concentration among non-exposed participants was 5.8 mmol/L; concentrations were 0.5 mmol/L (95% CI 0.1-0.9) higher among participants exposed during late gestation, 0.4 mmol/L (0-0.8) higher among those exposed during mid gestation, and 0.1 mmol/L (-0.4 to 0.6) among those exposed during early gestation. Participants born as thin babies to mothers with low bodyweights had the highest concentrations and concentrations were especially high among people exposed to famine who became obese as adults. Prenatal exposure to famine was related to increased fasting proinsulin (p = 0.05) and 2 h insulin concentrations (p = 0.04), which suggests an association with insulin resistance. INTERPRETATION: Prenatal exposure to famine, especially during late gestation, is linked to decreased glucose tolerance in adults. Poor nutrition in utero may lead to permanent changes in insulin-glucose metabolism, even if the effect on fetal growth is small. This effect of famine on glucose tolerance is especially important in people who become obese.

Birth Weight↗
PubMed1999

Obesity at the age of 50 y in men and women exposed to famine prenatally.

BACKGROUND: It was shown that men who were conceived during the Dutch famine of 1944-1945 had higher rates of obesity at age 19 y than those conceived before or after it. OBJECTIVE: Our objective was to study the effects of prenatal exposure to the Dutch famine on obesity in women and men at age 50 y. DESIGN: We measured the body size of 741 people born at term between November 1943 and February 1947 in Amsterdam. We compared people exposed to famine in late, mid, or early gestation (exposed participants) with those born before or conceived after the famine period (nonexposed participants). RESULTS: The body mass index (BMI; in kg/m(2)) of 50-y-old women exposed to famine in early gestation was significantly higher by 7. 4% (95% CI: 0.7%, 14.5%) than that of nonexposed women. BMI did not differ significantly in women exposed in mid gestation (-2.1%; -7.0%, 3.1%) or in late gestation (-1.3%; -6.3%, 3.9%). In 50-y-old men, BMI was not significantly affected by exposure to famine during any stage of gestation: BMI differed by 0.4% (-3.5%, 4.5%) in men exposed to famine in late gestation, by -1.2% (-5.5%, 3.3%) in those exposed in mid gestation, and by 0.5% (-4.6%, 6.0%) in those exposed in early gestation compared with nonexposed men. CONCLUSIONS: Maternal malnutrition during early gestation was associated with higher BMI and waist circumference in 50-y-old women but not in men. These findings suggest that pertubations of central endocrine regulatory systems established in early gestation may contribute to the development of abdominal obesity in later life.

Birth Weight↗
PubMed1991

Famine: a perspective for the nutrition community.

Famine is a nasty turn of events that intrudes on the world's consciousness from time to time. Pictures of starving people and acutely malnourished children, rampant disease, a rising death toll, and massive suffering in some far-off land move many among us to contribute to famine relief, shocked by the paradox of famine in a world "awash in grain". Those who think about it appreciate that famine is related to poverty, that it is often triggered by climatic instability, and that it is both an instrument and tragic by-product of political conflict. But few know very much about famine beyond such fleeting insights. Even fewer are aware that the collective response to famine is woefully deficient. Just as we in the nutrition community had to fight long and hard to get malnutrition onto the development agenda as an explicit concern of public policy, so we and others like us are going to have to labor hard again to do the same for famine. This paper is an attempt to crystallize the issues involved.

Africa↗
PubMed1990

Mortality estimates of the 1984-85. Ethiopian famine.

A brief summary of famine and drought from a historical perspective is given. In an attempt to estimate the magnitude of deaths due to the 1984-85 famine in Ethiopia, a survey was conducted among the resettled famine victims. The results show that the expected life at birth among the male and female famine victims was 6.2 and 5.7 years, respectively. When compared with the highest mortality rates ever recorded (that is Coale-Demeny, West Model Life Table level 1), the Ethiopian famine induced rate seems to be considerably higher. Regional variations between the two famine affected regions show that mortality in Tigrai was slightly higher than that of Wello. Also prefamine socio-economic differentials between households did not seem to have an effect on mortality. The results suggest that as much as 700,000 excess deaths might have occurred during the 1984-85 famine period in Ethiopia.

Disasters↗