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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources

To prevent, react, and rebuild: health research and the prevention of genocide.

OBJECTIVE: To develop an approach to the primary prevention of genocide, based on established public health-based violence prevention methods derived from a variety of high-risk settings. DATA SOURCES: (1) Peer-reviewed literature in the fields of public health, violence/injury prevention, medicine, economics, sociology, psychology, history, and genocide studies, (2) demographic and health data bases made available by governments and international organizations, (3) reports on recent episodes of genocide published by international and nongovernmental organizations, (4) newspaper and journalistic accounts of recent and past genocides, (5) archival testimonies of genocide victims and perpetrators, and (6) court transcripts of international genocide prosecutions. STUDY DESIGN: The research was conducted as a medical-historical policy analysis synthesizing data within the following framework: (1) Assessment of current violence and injury prevention models for suitability in the prevention of extreme, population-wide violence, (2) analysis of morbidity and mortality data to quantify the impact of genocide on the health of populations, (3) making an inventory of the known societal risk factors for genocidal violence, (4) identification of the theorized, modifiable attitudinal risk factors for genocidal behavior within a population health model, and (5) assessment of existing projects targeting primary violence and injury prevention in high risk jurisdictions, for future adaptation within a structured, public health approach. PRINCIPAL FINDINGS: Mortality rates due to genocidal violence are far in excess of other public health emergencies including malaria and HIV/AIDS. The immediate and long-range health consequences of genocide include the sequelae of infectious diseases, organ system failure, and psychiatric disorders, conferring an increased burden of disease on affected populations for multiple subsequent generations. The impact of genocide on local health economies is catastrophic, and the opportunity costs of diverting scarce global health dollars toward ameliorating genocide related outcomes are substantial. Structural risk factors for genocide within societies include: totalitarian government, exclusionary ideologies, armed conflict, economic hardship, and inaction of bystander nations. Proposed psychological risk factors for genocidal behavior include: moral exclusion, authority orientation, action in self-interest, desensitization, and compartmentalized thinking. Violence and injury prevention models, incorporating what is currently known about the societal and behavioral risk factors for genocide in high-risk populations, may be modified to address the primary prevention of catastrophic violence on a population-wide scale. A number of existent global peace building initiatives may serve as models for the design of future prevention initiatives in high-risk, pre-genocide jurisdictions. CONCLUSIONS: Our analysis suggests that genocide is one of the most pressing threats to the health of populations in the twenty-first century. Recent advances in the public health discipline of violence prevention provide a blueprint for approaches to primary genocide prevention based on epidemiological methods.

Health Services Research↗

Death and survival during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

This paper reports a quantitative study of the genocide in the prefecture of Kibuye in western Rwanda in 1994. It uses a database produced from a house-to-house survey of victims by the organization of genocide survivors, Ibuka. For a total of 59,050 victims of the genocide, data were collected on age, sex, occupation, commune of residence before the genocide, and place and date of death. An analysis conducted for one commune (Mabanza), showed that the chance of surviving the genocide was higher in those sectors of the commune where the Tutsi population did not congregate at a football stadium in Kibuye. Those who went to a mountainous area and defended themselves were almost the only Tutsi still alive in the prefecture after the month of April 1994. Other determinants of survival included age, sex, and occupation. The number of deaths each day while the killing lasted is estimated for the whole of the prefecture.

Crime Victims↗

On the history of men and genocide.

A historical and psychological study of genocide is presented in which special emphasis is given to modern manifestations of this phenomenon. The policy of eradication of the Jews by the Hitler regime is considered as an example of genocide in the twentieth century. The psychopathology of genocide and the complex relationships among aggressors, victims and witnesses are elaborated. Inferences are drawn from past and present patterns of genocide that may provide some leads to the future. It is now possible to envisage an all-consuming genocide unless nations can learn to live together, not necessarily in unity but in diversity.

History, 15th Century↗

Genocide by Attrition 1939­1993: The Warsaw Ghetto, Cambodia, and Sudan.

Genocide by attrition occurs when a group is stripped of its human rights, political, civil and economic. This leads to deprivation of conditions essential for maintaining health, thereby producing mass death. Genocide by attrition is epitomized by the Warsaw Ghetto (1939­43), Democratic Kampuchea (1975­79), and Sudan (1983­93). Potentialities of response are considered, as well as state and international interests in overlooking genocide, and the inadequacy and misuses of humanitarian aid. Lastly, guidelines are offered for future policy to prevent genocide by attrition, involving governments, health professionals, and aid workers.

Journal Article↗

Coping with Ottoman Turkish Genocide: an exploration of the experience of Armenian survivors.

This study explored the experiences of the survivors of the Ottoman-Turkish Genocide of the Armenians (1915-1923). Coping strategies, communication patterns and the impact of continuing Turkish denial of the events were the specific research areas. Semi-structured interviews were administered to 40 Genocide survivors, residing at two Armenian homes for older adults in the mid-Atlantic United States. Destruction of life, physical harm, deportation, pillaging, and loss of status were identified by respondents as stressors experienced. Religion, family, work, denial, and resignation were identified as coping methods and sources of survival. Most respondents had not discussed their experiences with others. When asked about their reactions to the Turkish denial, respondents expressed a range of negative affect, including resentment, hatred, and rage. When asked about sources of pride in their lives, respondents cited accomplishments such as surviving the Genocide, surviving as Armenians and procreating. The social, developmental, and psychiatric implications of the findings were discussed.

Adaptation, Psychological↗

Individual change after genocide in Bosnian survivors of "ethnic cleansing": assessing personality dysfunction.

The authors used the SCID-DES (disorders of extreme stress) instrument to assess for personality change in Bosnian survivors of "ethnic cleansing." Twenty four refugees underwent systematic, trauma-focused, research assessments, including the SCID-DES interview. Overall, this group of Bosnian survivors had been severely traumatized as a result of the Serbian nationalists' genocide. However, no subject met diagnostic criteria for DES. The SCID-DES yields far lower rates of trauma-related personality change in Bosnian survivors of genocide than in adult survivors of prolonged early life traumas. Therefore, the DES construct may have better application to prolonged, interpersonal, early life traumas than to the prolonged, communal traumas of genocide.

Adolescent↗

Early warning and response: why the international community failed to prevent the genocide.

The enormity of the genocide in Rwanda demands that it be subjected to searching enquiry and that members of the international community, collectively and individually, examine their own roles in the event. This paper draws extensively on Study II of the Joint Evaluation, and examines the effectiveness of international monitoring (early warning) and management of the Rwanda conflict. It is not intended to explore all the factors which together contributed to the genocide that were or might have been amenable to modification by the international community. The focus is on warning and response beginning with the start of the civil war in 1990, and culminating in an analysis of the international response to the genocide in April-June 1994.

Crisis Intervention↗

Putting into words, putting to rest and putting aside the ancestors. How an analysand who was heir to the Armenian genocide of 1915 worked through mourning.

The author discusses the intergenerational psychic transmission of collective trauma on the basis of her personal experience as a descendant of victims of the Armenian genocide of 1915. She shows how the processes of transmission are encumbered within a diaspora community such as hers by the incorporation of objects in the throes of mourning, the invalidation of prohibitions by murder-become-law, and lack of differentiation between the sexes. A parallel is drawn between the characteristic secrecy of the genocidal project on the part of the perpetrators and the sense of illegitimacy of the victims' descendants, exacerbated in the case of the Armenian catastrophe by the refusal of the state that inherited the genocide to confess to it and consequently its erasure from Western consciousness. The author describes how she was enabled to emerge from confinement in the trauma by her French schooling and her analysis, and subsequently became able to work through mourning and writing, by divulging the secret and in particular the publication of her father's deportation diary. The written text is seen as a shroud in which the dead can finally be interred. Presenting an episode from her schooldays, she demonstrates the importance of her immersion in French culture in allowing her to achieve the necessary linguistic and psychic distance from her heritage.

Armenia↗

[Genocide--some medical and psychological aspects].

The Nazi genocide of the Jews was the background for the UN Convention on Genocide in 1949. The number of people murdered according to the definition in the UN Convention in the period 1900-87 has been estimated at 37 million; the real number is probably higher. Genocide is a considerable cause of death, it has severe consequences for survivors, is an irreplaceable loss for surviving relatives and a trauma for the collective identity. Fair trials of the perpetrators is important to the victims and society. The disastrous role of medicine in the Holocaust should be included in educational programmes as a reminder of the vulnerability of the health professions.

Africa↗

Genocide in Bosnia: the case of Dr. Radovan Karadzic.

From 1992 to 1995 the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina experienced a war of genocidal proportions between the Bosnian Serbs, the Bosnian Croats, and the Bosnian Muslims. The international Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia has indicted Dr. Radovan Karadzic--former President of the Bosnian Serb Republic, psychiatrist, and poet--as a suspected war criminal for his role in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Karadzic remains enigmatic and poorly understood. Psychological profiling highlights in Karadzic's case the complex coalescence of the psychology of a genocide perpetrator with that of a charismatic narcissistic political leader. Such a profile may possess usefulness in forensic psychiatric investigations and legal proceedings.

Bosnia and Herzegovina↗

Determinants of genocide fear in a rural Texas community: a research note.

Data were collected via a questionnaire administered to females 15-44 years of age and their most significant male partner from a 7% stratified random sample in Waller County, Texas. Analysis revealed that five independent variables combined explained 19% of the variance in race genocide fear (R2 = .19; p less than .01). The most important predictors of genocide fear were sex (Beta = .33; p less than .001) and education (Beta = .14; p less than .01).

Adult↗

Ten years after the genocide: trauma confrontation and posttraumatic stress in Rwandan adolescents.

A decade after the 1994 Rwandan genocide, we interviewed a total of 68 Rwandan orphans about their war experiences and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. The two samples comprised youth living either in a child-headed household (CHH) or in an orphanage. All had been exposed to extreme levels of violence and 41% had witnessed the murder of their own mother or father. Of the sample, 44% had PTSD. PTSD vulnerability was greater for youth who at the time of the study lived in CHH than those in an orphanage; it was also higher in those aged 8 to 13 during the outbreak of the genocide than those aged 3 to 7 at the time. Furthermore, a significant relationship was found between the number of traumatic experiences and subsequent stress responses.

Adolescent↗

Black communities' belief in "AIDS as genocide". A barrier to overcome for HIV prevention.

The belief that acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) is a form of genocide targeted at the black population is prevalent in black communities in the United States. Public health authorities are distrusted, in part because of the legacy of the Tuskegee Study of untreated syphilis, a perceived racist experiment. For effective interventions to prevent the transmission of human immunodeficiency virus in black communities, genocidal fears and beliefs must be addressed and black community leaders should be involved in planning and implementation.

Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome↗

The psychocultural roots of genocide. Legitimacy and crisis in Rwanda.

In April 1994, the small east African nation of Rwanda became the site of one of the most violent episodes of the 20th century. Over the course of just 100 days, an embattled authoritarian state organized the slaughter of at least 850,000 Rwandans. Briefly, worldwide attention was riveted. But clichés about "age-old tribal hatreds" soon dominated discussion, conveying the impression that this was simply the latest episode in an unending cycle of violence. The truth, however, is quite different. The April genocide was in many ways unique. It was neither tribal nor age-old, and it is hardly fated to recur. Indeed, the author's premise is that if this genocide is grasped in all its psychocultural novelty and complexity, a point of Archimedean leverage can be found for interventions to avert tragedies in the future.

Anomie↗

Local perceptions of the mental health effects of the Rwandan genocide.

The objectives of this study were to investigate how Rwandans perceive the mental health effects of the 1994 genocide, to investigate the local validity of western mental illness concepts, and (if these concepts were found to be valid) to provide data to adapt existing mental health assessment instruments for local use. We used three ethnographic methods to interview people in two rural areas in Rwanda: first, free listing provided a list of local terms for mental symptoms and disorders; second, key informant interviews then provided more detailed information about these disorders; and finally, pile sorts confirmed the relationships among symptoms and disorders that emerged from the other methods. We found that interviewees described the diagnostic symptoms of depression and posttraumatic stress disorder as results of the genocide and also described associated "local" symptoms not included in the established diagnostic criteria. They divided symptoms into a "mental trauma" syndrome that included the posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms and some depression and local symptoms, and a grief syndrome that included other depression and local symptoms. In the pile sorts, we focused on investigating mood disorders and confirmed that four of the locally described symptoms formed part of a local depression-like illness. The results suggest that depression occurs among this population and support the local content validity of depression assessment instruments, such as the Depression section of the Hopkins Symptom Checklist. Similar independent evidence of validity is missing from most cross-cultural surveys. Our work supports the need and feasibility for collecting this supporting evidence prior to conducting cross-cultural surveys using existing instruments.

Anthropology, Cultural↗

Children in genocide: extreme traumatization and the 'affect propeller'.

The author bases this paper on extensive research concerning children in genocide with a starting point in the Holocaust and in the genocide in Rwanda 1994. She demonstrates indicators for psychological phenomena concerning the child survivors' affect regulating that appeared in life histories presented in videotaped in-depth interviews. The psychological phenomena concern experiences of persecution and ways of coming to terms with recurring memory images and affects. The interviews that have been analysed in detail form a basis for an emerging conceptual model about trauma- and generational-linking processes within each individual--the 'affect propeller'. An overall conclusion from this study is that past traumatic experiences are recovered not as memories in the usual sense of the word, but as affects invading the present. Accordingly, affects seem to tell the story of the past traumatic experiences.

Adoption↗

Somatic panic-attack equivalents in a community sample of Rwandan widows who survived the 1994 genocide.

The present study is the first to attempt to determine rates of panic attacks, especially 'somatically focused' panic attacks, panic disorder, symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and depression levels in a population of Rwandans traumatized by the 1994 genocide. The following measures were utilized: the Rwandan Panic-Disorder Survey (RPDS); the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI); the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (HTQ); and the PTSD Checklist (PCL). Forty of 100 Rwandan widows suffered somatically focused panic attacks during the previous 4 weeks. Thirty-five (87%) of those having panic attacks suffered panic disorder, making the rate of panic disorder for the entire sample 35%. Rwandan widows with panic attacks had greater psychopathology on all measures. Somatically focused panic-attack subtypes seem to constitute a key response to trauma in the Rwandan population. Future studies of traumatized non-Western populations should carefully assess not only somatoform disorder but also somatically focused panic attacks.

Adolescent↗

Trauma exposure and psychological reactions to genocide among Rwandan children.

A total of 3030 children age 8-19 years from Rwanda was interviewed about their war experiences and reactions approximately 13 months after the genocide that started in April 1994. Rwandan children had been exposed to extreme levels of violence in the form of witnessing the death of close family members and others in massacres, as well as other violent acts. A majority of these children (90%) believed that they would die; most had to hide to survive, and 15% had to hide under dead bodies to survive. A shortened form of the Impact of Event Scale used in a group of 1830 of these children documented high levels of intrusion and avoidance. While children living in shelters were exposed to more trauma, they evidenced less posttraumatic reactions. Analyses showed that reactions were associated with loss, violence exposure, and, most importantly, feeling their life was in danger.

Adolescent↗