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At least 19 recordsLinked to original sources
PubMedDate not supplied

The perceived racism scale: a multidimensional assessment of the experience of white racism among African Americans.

The experience of racism is a complex, multidimensional phenomenon. At present, there are few instruments that attempt to capture the experience of racism in all of its complexity. For this study, a new instrument, the Perceived Racism Scale, has been constructed to assess the experience of racism in African Americans in a multidimensional manner. The scale not only provides a measure of the frequency of exposure to many manifestations of racism (including individual and institutional, overt and covert, attitudinal, behavioral, and cultural), but takes a step forward in more comprehensively measuring the experience of racism by assessing emotional and behavioral coping responses to racism. These responses are measured with respect to exposure to racism in three situational domains: on the job, in academic settings, and in the public realm. Measurement of responses to a fourth domain, that of exposure to racist statements, is also included. It is hoped that the Perceived Racism Scale will facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the experience of racism among African Americans and, through its use in research and clinical settings, will ultimately move us closer to reducing the prevalence and potentially untoward effects of racism.

Adaptation, Psychological↗
PubMed2000

Perceptions of interethnic group racism predict increased vascular reactivity to a laboratory challenge in college women.

African-Americans have disproportionately higher rates of hypertension than any other U.S. ethnic group. Researchers have postulated that the psychosocial-stress association with racism may help explain these higher rates in African-Americans, as well as blood pressure variability among African-Americans. Using a quasi-experimental design, this study examined the relationship between perceived interethnic group racism (racism) and blood pressure responses in 39 African-American females. Measurements of blood pressure were obtained before, during, and after a laboratory challenge where participants spoke about their personal views and feelings concerning animal rights. Perceptions of racism, as well as psychological and coping responses to racism, were assessed via the Perceived Racism Scale. The results revealed that on average, participants perceived racism 75.25 times/year. Racist statements were perceived most often, and speaking up was the most frequently reported coping response. The overwhelming majority of participants (76.47%) used active and passive coping responses to deal with racism. Among the psychological responses to racism, the magnitude of emotional responding was greatest for anger. Multivariate regression analyses indicated that perceived racism was significantly and positively related to diastolic blood pressure changes during the speech (p = .01), early recovery (p < .003), and late recovery (p = .01) periods. Potential confounders did not mitigate these effects. The findings highlight the importance of delineating the role of more real-world behavioral challenges in future research exploring blood pressure variability and hypertension risk in African-Americans.

Adaptation, Psychological↗
PubMed2002

The experiences of professional nurses who have migrated to Canada: cosmopolitan citizenship or democratic racism?

This interpretive research analyses the discourse of nurses who migrated to Canada and experienced racism. They also experienced reprisals when they formally complained about racism in a context of denial of the problem of racism by colleagues and employers. The present work focuses on two issues arising from the data: the problem of how to make racism visible among those who have a vested interest in denying its existence and the emotional cool of those filing grievances or complaints in contrast with the hot reaction of those being challenged when racism is named. We introduce two theoretical perspectives to address these phenomena called democratic racism and cosmopolitan citizenship, respectively. The former, as defined by Henry et al. (The Colour of Democracy: Racism in Canadian Society. Harcourt Brace, Canada, Toronto, 1996), describes the coexistence of both democratic values and practices that discount people of colour advertently or inadvertently. We outline the notion of cosmopolitan citizenship that is argued by Turner (Politics of the Global City. Routledge, London, 2000) to be an orientation resulting from global microcosms in cities teeming with diversity. The characteristic orientations of cool and stewardship are useful for describing some of the discourse expressed by each participant in our study all of whom challenged racism practices, not on nationalistic grounds, but rather out of concern for universal human rights. Their characteristics qualify them for cosmopolitan citizenship under Turner's perspective. We suggest that anti-racist activists have been cosmopolitan citizens for decades and argue that while cosmopolitan citizenship may have taken root in neo-liberal movements, it appears to have tactical attributes in the struggle with democratic racism. In conclusion, we advocate for a cosmopolitan citizenship ethic to facilitate a rational move toward racial integration in the profession through the sharing of power and privilege. One goal in confronting racism is the accountability for whiteness: immunity from responsibility or apology.

Attitude↗
PubMed2002

Internalized racism, body fat distribution, and abnormal fasting glucose among African-Caribbean women in Dominica, West Indies.

The current study examined the relationship of internalized racism to glucose intolerance in a population of Afro-Caribbean women aged 18 to 55. Also of interest was whether this relationship would be differentially influenced by the type of body fat distribution or confounded by the level of hostility. A total of 244 women were selected from a systematic sample of households on the island of Dominica, West Indies. Demographic data together with information on internalized racism were collected by questionnaire. Anthropometric information and fasting blood glucose were also measured. Women with high levels of internalized racism exhibited an increased risk of elevated fasting glucose compared to those with low levels of internalized racism (odds ratio (OR) = 2.4; 95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.1-5.5). There was no difference in mean body mass index (BMI) by level of internalized racism. However those with high internalized racism had a significantly larger waist circumference after adjusting for age, education, hostility, and elevated fasting glucose status. In multivariate analyses controlling for age, education, hostility, and either weight or BMI, internalized racism remained independently associated with elevated fasting glucose. However, once waist circumference was included in the model, the relationship of internalized racism to elevated fasting glucose was not statistically significant. This study demonstrates a significant relationship between internalized racism and abnormal levels of fasting glucose which may be mediated through abdominal fat. The exact nature of the relationship of internalized racism to glucose intolerance may be an important area of future study.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2001

Examining the burdens of gendered racism: implications for pregnancy outcomes among college-educated African American women.

OBJECTIVES: As investigators increasingly identify racism as a risk factor for poor health outcomes (with implications for adverse birth outcomes), research efforts must explore individual experiences with and responses to racism. In this study, our aim was to determine how African American college-educated women experience racism that is linked to their identities and roles as African American women (gendered racism). METHODS: Four hundred seventy-four (474) African American women collaborated in an iterative research process that included focus groups, interviews, and the administration of a pilot stress instrument developed from the qualitative data. Analysis of the qualitative and quantitative data from the responses of a subsample of 167 college-educated women was conducted to determine how the women experienced racism as a stressor. RESULTS: The responses of the women and the results from correlational analysis revealed that a felt sense of obligations for protecting children from racism and the racism that African American women encountered in the workplace were significant stressors. Strong associations were found between pilot scale items where the women acknowledged concerns for their abilities to provide for their children's needs and to the women's specific experiences with racism in the workplace (r = 0.408, p < .001). CONCLUSIONS: We hypothesize that the stressors of gendered racism that precede and accompany pregnancy may be risk factors for adverse birth outcomes.

Black or African American↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Development and reliability of a Telephone-Administered Perceived Racism Scale (TPRS): a tool for epidemiological use.

The conceptualization of perceived racism as a chronic stressor is relatively new to epidemiology. The Telephone-Administered Perceived Racism Scale (TPRS) captures the complexity of racism within five scales: Experience of Racism (by Blacks as a group and by the respondent), Emotional Responses, Behavioral Responses, Concern for Child(ren), and Past Experiences of Racism. The TPRS was developed for employed Black women. Exploratory factor analyses and tests of internal consistency were completed with 476 Black women, aged 36-53. Factor analyses on their responses to racism yielded five factors: passive emotions, active emotions, passive behaviors, internal active behaviors, and external active behaviors. Alpha reliability values ranged from 0.75 to 0.80 for the active and passive emotions subscales, from 0.59 to 0.69 for the passive behaviors subscale, and greater than 0.76 for both active behaviors subscales. Alpha reliabilities were 0.82, 0.90, 0.88, and 0.82 for Past Experiences, Concern for Child(ren), Experience of Racism--Personal, and Experience of Racism--Group, respectively. Another 30 Black women were queried for test-retest reliability, with values ranging from 0.61 to 0.82. The TPRS was found to be reliable and should serve as a useful epidemiological tool in the examination of the effects of perceived racism on Black women's health.

Adult↗
PubMed1999

Relationship of internalized racism to abdominal obesity and blood pressure in Afro-Caribbean women.

Racism is associated with increased psychosocial stress and blood pressure in blacks. However, little is known of the relationship of racism to other features of insulin resistance syndrome. This study examined the relationship of internalized racism to abdominal obesity and elevated blood pressure in a population of black Caribbean women aged 20-55 years. One hundred thirty-three randomly selected women from the island of Barbados comprised the study sample. Data collected included anthropometric and blood pressure measurements, and information about internalized racism, anxiety, and depression. The stress measures including anxiety, depression, and internalized racism were significantly correlated with waist circumference (r = .25, r = .21, and r = .25). After adjusting for age, education, anxiety, and depression, internalized racism remained significantly correlated with waist circumference. The odds ratio associated with development of abdominal obesity among those with high internalized racism (OR = 2.4 [95% CI, 1.1,5.3]) was significant (P < .05) after adjusting for age, education, and body mass index. Blood pressure was not independently related to internalized racism. Studies comparing black-white differences in diseases for which abdominal obesity is a risk factor (eg, diabetes and cardiovascular disease) should take into account the potential role of internalized racism in defining the differences between ethnic groups.

Abdomen↗
PubMed1996

Perceived experiences of racism as stressful life events.

The impact of racism on African American personality, behavior, and health has been debated in the psychological literature. There has been little research however, on racism as a stressful life event. The goal of this study was to learn whether perceived racism produces symptoms of subjective distress noted in relationship to other stressful life events. In addition, this study sought to find whether racial identification mediated the psychological impact of perceived experiences of racism. Two hundred African American adults were surveyed. Participants completed a 30 item racial identification measure, a questionnaire that requested information on the experience of racism, and the impact of Events scale. The results showed that one third of the participants reported a perceived experience of racism within six months of the interview. Mean scores for intrusion symptoms were higher as the seriousness of the reported event increased. While participants reported avoidance symptoms, there were no differences based on the seriousness of the racial incident. Racial identification did not mediate the impact of the experience of racism.

Adaptation, Psychological↗
PubMed1999

Racism as a stressor for African Americans. A biopsychosocial model.

Various authors have noted that interethnic group and intraethnic group racism are significant stressors for many African Americans. As such, intergroup and intragroup racism may play a role in the high rates of morbidity and mortality in this population. Yet, although scientific examinations of the effects of stress have proliferated, few researchers have explored the psychological, social, and physiological effects of perceived racism among African Americans. The purpose of this article was to outline a biopsychosocial model for perceived racism as a guide for future research. The first section of this article provides a brief overview of how racism has been conceptualized in the scientific literature. The second section reviews research exploring the existence of intergroup and intragroup racism. A contextual model for systematic studies of the biopsychosocial effects of perceived racism is then presented, along with recommendations for future research.

Black or African American↗
PubMed2003

Racism and cardiovascular disease in African Americans.

This article provides an overview of the evidence on the ways racism can affect the disproportionate rates of cardiovascular disease (CVD) in African Americans. It describes the significant health disparities in CVD for blacks and whites and suggests that racial disparities should be understood within the context of persistent inequities in societal institutions and relations. Evidence and potential pathways for exploring effects of 3 levels of racism on cardiovascular health risk factors and outcomes are reviewed. First, institutional racism can lead to limited opportunities for socioeconomic mobility, differential access to goods and resources, and poor living conditions that can adversely affect cardiovascular health. Second, perceived/personally mediated racism acts as a stressor and can induce psychophysiological reactions that negatively affect cardiovascular health. Third, in race-conscious societies, such as the United States, the negative self-evaluations of accepting negative cultural stereotypes as true (internalized racism) can have deleterious effects on cardiovascular health. Few population-based studies have examined the relationship between racism and CVD. The findings, though suggestive of a positive association, are neither consistent nor clear. The research agenda of the Jackson Heart Study in addressing the role of racism in CVD is presented.

Black or African American↗
PubMedDate not supplied

Effects of perceived racism and anger inhibition on ambulatory blood pressure in African Americans.

OBJECTIVE: Hypertension is more prevalent in African Americans compared with Americans of European descent. Preliminary evidence indicates that perceived racism may play a role in elevated blood pressure in African Americans. The present study examined whether perceived racism was associated with higher ambulatory blood pressure measured during daily life. A potential contributing role for anger inhibition was also evaluated. METHODS: Twenty-four-hour ABP was obtained from 69 African American men and women with normal or mildly elevated blood pressure. ABP was averaged over waking and sleep periods, and clinic BP was also assessed. Perceived racism and anger expression were measured using self-report questionnaires. RESULTS: Greater perceived racism was related to higher ABP during waking hours for SBP (p <.01) and DBP (p <.05). Perceived racism was positively correlated with anger inhibition (r =.29, p <.05) but was not related to outwardly expressed anger (r =.01, NS). Anger inhibition was related to higher sleep DBP (p =.05) and a smaller drop in DBP from day to night (p <.05). Anger inhibition did not account for the relationship between perceived racism and blood pressure. CONCLUSIONS: Perceived racism and anger inhibition are independently related to higher ABP. Both may contribute to the incidence of hypertension and hypertensive-related diseases observed in African Americans.

Adult↗
PubMed2003

Self-reported racism and social support predict blood pressure reactivity in Blacks.

This study explored the effects of perceived racism and social support (quantity and quality) on blood pressure reactivity. In a college sample of 64 Blacks (M age = 22.69 years, SD =6.60), systolic blood pressure (SBP) and diastolic blood pressure (DBP) were assessed before and during a standardized serial subtraction task. Perceptions of racism and the quantity and quality of social support were measured by self-report. Separate multiple regression analyses revealed that perceived racism and social support (neither quantity nor quality) were not independent predictors of SBP or DBP changes (ps >.05). These analyses did indicate that perceived racism interacted with the quantity of social support (p <.002, partial R2 =.175) and with the quality of social support (p <.0007, partial R2 =.195) to predict DBP changes. Perceived racism also interacted with the quantity of social support to predict changes in SBP (p <.02, partial R2 =.11). In general, whereas high social support was related to less marked blood pressure changes under conditions of low perceived racism, high social support was associated with exaggerated blood pressure changes under conditions of high perceived racism. These significant interaction effects persisted after statistically controlling for potential confounders. The findings highlight the importance of examining the joint contribution of real-world experiences and coping resources to blood pressure reactivity in Blacks.

Adult↗
PubMed2003

The impact of perceived racism: psychological symptoms among African American boys.

Examined the relations among perceived racism and externalizing symptoms, internalizing symptoms, hopelessness, and self-concept in African American boys (N = 84). The experience of racism is a complex phenomenon that has been found to have negative psychological outcomes in adult studies of African Americans. There has been a gap in the empirical literature regarding the possible associations between perceived racism and children's psychological well-being. This study is an attempt to address that gap. Results demonstrated that experiences of racism were related to self- and parent-reported externalizing symptoms. Personal experiences of racism were related to self-reported internalizing symptoms, lower self-concept, and higher levels of hopelessness. Potential mediators (e.g., trait anger, hostile attribution bias) were analyzed. Additional analyses indicated that trait anger mediated a number of the observed relations between perceived racism and behavioral symptoms. The results of the study suggest that perceived racism is associated with multiple negative correlates for African American boys.

Adolescent↗
PubMed2000

Is racism dead? Comparing (expressive) means and (structural equation) models.

Much scholarship suggests that racism--belief in out-group inferiority--is unrelated to contemporary attitudes. Purportedly, a new form of racism, one which relies upon a belief in cultural difference, has become a more acceptable basis for such attitudes. The authors argue that an appropriate empirical assessment of racism (both 'old' and 'new') depends upon (1) clear conceptualization and operationalization, and (2) attention to both mean-level expression and explanatory value in structural equation models. This study assessed the endorsement of racism and belief in cultural difference as well as their association with a measure of general attitude in a secondary analysis of parallel representative surveys of attitudes toward different ethnic out-groups in France, The Netherlands, Western Germany and Britain (N = 3242; see Reif & Melich, 1991). For six of the seven out-group targets, racism was strongly related to ethnic majority attitudes, despite low mean-level endorsement. In a pattern consistent with a 'new', indirect racism, the relationship between British racism and attitudes toward Afro-Caribbeans was mediated by belief in cultural difference.

Adult↗