The acquisition of language by children.
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Biomedical subjects
Publications and source records attributed to J C Trueswell.
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Eye movements of listeners were monitored to investigate how gender information and accessibility influence the initial processes of pronoun interpretation. Previous studies on this issue have produced mixed results, and several studies have concluded that gender cues are not automatically used during the early processes of pronoun interpretation (e.g. Garnham, A., Oakhill, J. & Cruttenden, H. (1992). The role of implicit causality and gender cue in the interpretation of pronouns. Language and Cognitive Processes, 73 (4), 231-255; Greene, S. B., McKoon, G. & Ratcliff, R. (1992). Pronoun resolution and discourse models. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 182, 266-283). In the two experiments presented here, participants viewed a picture with two familiar cartoon characters of either same or different gender. They listened to a text describing the picture, in which a pronoun referred to either the first, more accessible, character, or the second. (For example, Donald is bringing some mail to ¿Mickey/Minnie¿ while a violent storm is beginning. He's carrying an umbrellaellipsis.) The results of both experiments show rapid use of both gender and accessibility at approximately 200 ms after the pronoun offset.
Two experiments are reported which examine children's ability to use referential context when making syntactic choices in language production and comprehension. In a recent on-line study of auditory comprehension, Trueswell, Sekerina, Hill, and Logrip (1999) examined children's and adults' abilities to resolve temporary syntactic ambiguities involving prepositional phrases (e.g., "Put the frog on the napkin into..."). Although adults and older children used the referential context to guide their initial analysis (pursuing a destination interpretation in a one-frog context and a modifier interpretation in a two-frog context), 4 to 5-year olds' initial and ultimate analysis was one of destination, regardless of context. The present studies examined whether these differences were attributable to the comprehension process itself or to other sources, such as possible differences in how children perceive the scene and referential situation. In both experiments, children were given a language generation task designed to elicit and test children's ability to refer to a member of a set through restrictive modification. This task was immediately followed by the "put" comprehension task. The findings showed that, in response to a question about a member of a set (e.g., "Which frog went to Mrs. Squid's house?"), 4- to 5-year-olds frequently produced a definite NP with a restrictive prepositional modifier (e.g., "The one on the napkin"). These same children, however, continued to misanalyze put instructions, showing a strong avoidance of restrictive modification during comprehension. Experiment 2 showed that an increase in the salience of the platforms that distinguished the two referents increased overall performance, but still showed the strong asymmetry between production and comprehension. Eye movements were also recorded in Experiment 2, revealing on-line parsing patterns similar to Trueswell et al.: an initial preference for a destination analysis and a failure to revise early referential commitments. These experiments indicate that child-adult differences in parsing preferences arise, in part, from developmental changes in the comprehension process itself and not from a general insensitivity to referential properties of the scene. The findings are consistent with a probabilistic model for uncovering the structure of the input during comprehension, in which more reliable linguistic and discourse-related cues are learned first, followed by a gradually developing ability to take into account other more uncertain (or more difficult to learn) cues to structure.
A great deal of psycholinguistic research has focused on the question of how adults interpret language in real time. This work has revealed a complex and interactive language processing system capable of rapidly coordinating linguistic properties of the message with information from the context or situation (e.g. Altmann & Steedman, 1988; Britt, 1994; Tanenhaus, Spivey-Knowlton, Eberhard & Sedivy, 1995; Trueswell & Tanenhaus, 1991). In the study of language acquisition, however, surprisingly little is known about how children process language in real time and whether they coordinate multiple sources of information during interpretation. The lack of child research is due in part to the fact that most existing techniques for studying language processing have relied upon the skill of reading, an ability that young children do not have or are only beginning to acquire. We present here results from a new method for studying children's moment-by-moment language processing abilities, in which a head-mounted eye-tracking system was used to monitor eye movements as participants responded to spoken instructions. The results revealed systematic differences in how children and adults process spoken language: Five Year Olds did not take into account relevant discourse/pragmatic principles when resolving temporary syntactic ambiguities, and showed little or no ability to revise initial parsing commitments. Adults showed sensitivity to these discourse constraints at the earliest possible stages of processing, and were capable of revising incorrect parsing commitments. Implications for current models of sentence processing are discussed.
Two studies are presented which explore how depth information is determined from conditions of transparency and whether this information combines with other depth information to determine the segmenting of motion information on the basis of likely surface boundaries. The first study explored how binocular disparity combines with monocular depth cues associated with transparency to determine whether subjects see one or multiple surfaces in depth in static displays. When transparency provided a depth cue that was consistent with binocular disparity, depth discrimination thresholds were at normal levels. However, if transparency was inconsistent with the binocular disparity, depth discrimination thresholds were elevated, indicating that subjects had difficulty seeing distinct surfaces lying in separate depth planes. Moreover, threshold elevations were found to correspond to the reductions in contrast between the intersecting contours of the stimulus, suggesting that the strength of perceived depth from transparency is the result of attenuated responses from competing contrast sensitive T-junction mechanisms responsible for the detection of opaque occlusion. A second experiment explored whether the grouping of local motion signals relied on surface interpretations that result from the interaction of transparency and disparity. Surface interpretations were manipulated in moving plaids by combining transparent layering and binocular disparity to show that the motion arising from contours is grouped together (pattern motion) when these cues support the existence of a single surface, and is segregated (component motion) when they support separate surfaces. When these cues were consistent, only small disparity differences were required for the gratings to appear as separately moving surfaces. However, when they were inconsistent, greater disparities were required (about a factor of 2 greater). Taken together, these studies demonstrate that the grouping of local motion information is not resolved within the motion system alone. Information seemingly unrelated to motion processing, namely surface segmentation cues, is used to determine whether or not motion information arising from various contours is pooled together to determine a single motion.
Immediate effects of verb-specific syntactic (subcategorization) information were found in a cross-modal naming experiment, a self-paced reading experiment, and an experiment in which eye movements were monitored. In the reading studies, syntactic misanalysis effects in sentence complements (e.g., "The student forgot the solution was...") occurred at the verb in the complement (e.g., was) for matrix verbs typically used with noun phrase complements but not for verbs typically used with sentence complements. In addition, a complementizer effect for sentence-complement-biased verbs was not due to syntactic misanalysis but was correlated with how strongly a particular verb prefers to be followed by the complementizer that. The results support models that make immediate use of lexically specific constraints, especially constraint-based models, but are problematic for lexical filtering models.
This article examines how certain types of semantic and discourse context affect the processing of relative clauses which are temporarily ambiguous between a relative clause and a main clause (e.g., "The actress selected by the director ..."). We review recent results investigating local semantic context and temporal context, and we present some new data investigating referential contexts. The set of studies demonstrate that, contrary to many recent claims in the literature, all of these types of context can have early effects on syntactic, ambiguity resolution during on-line reading comprehension. These results are discussed within a "constraint-based" framework for ambiguity resolution in which effects of context are determined by the strength and relevance of the contextual constraint and by the availability of the syntactic alternatives.