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Impact of social marketing on contraceptive prevalence and cost in Honduras.

In 1984, the Honduran Family Planning Association launched a contraceptive social marketing program by introducing the oral contraceptive, Perla. This report examines the impact of the program on overall oral contraceptive use, use by particular subgroups, source of supply, and costs. Although use of oral contraceptives increased only slightly over the period 1984-87 (from 12.7 percent to 13.4 percent among women in union aged 15-44), the social marketing program significantly increased its share of the oral contraceptive market (from 7 percent in 1984 to 15 percent in 1987, and from 20 percent to 40 percent of sales at pharmacies). For the Honduran Family Planning Association to have realized cost savings as a result of clients switching from community-based distribution programs and commercial supply sources to contraceptive social marketing programs, the association would have had to reallocate its resources. Instead, the number of distributors in the community-based distribution program increased, while the amount of couple-years of protection from oral contraceptives decreased.

Adolescent

Family planning programmes in ten developing countries: cost effectiveness by mode of service delivery.

The cost effectiveness of various modes of family planning service delivery based on the cost per couple-year of protection (CYP) is assessed using 1984 data for 63 projects in ten countries (three each in Africa and Asia, and four in Latin America). More than 4.8 million CYPs were provided through these projects during the year studied. Programmes with the highest volume of services delivered corresponded to lowest average costs: social marketing (2.8 million CYPs) and sterilization projects (960,000 CYPs) cost about $2 per CYP, on average; highest costs were for full service clinics and community-based distribution projects ($13-14 per CYP). Costs of clinics combined with community-based distribution services fell approximately midway between these two extremes.

Africa

Family planning clinics: facing higher costs and sicker patients.

Family planning clinics throughout the United States are facing a variety of obstacles that threaten their ability to provide necessary contraceptive services to low-income women and teenagers, according to interviews with clinic administrators. In the last few years, the proportion of patients coming to family planning agencies in need of screening or treatment for sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) has increased dramatically. Many providers report that 10-15 percent of their clients are infected with chlamydia, the most prevalent STD. The increasing costs of Pap tests and contraceptives are also major problems: As a result of recent federal legislation, the price of Pap tests has risen substantially, and that of contraceptives is beginning to increase steeply. Finally, Title X funding for family planning services has decreased 66 percent over the last decade if both cuts and inflation are taken into account. As a result of the squeeze between increased costs and decreased public funding, clinics have been forced to charge higher fees, maintain long waiting lists for appointments and curtail community outreach. In addition, growth of the family planning patient population has slowed dramatically, and even declined, in some places.

Cost Control

Public funding of contraceptive, sterilization and abortion services, fiscal year 1990.

In FY 1990, the federal and state governments spent $504 million to provide contraceptive services and supplies, according to results of a survey of state health, social services and Medicaid agencies conducted by The Alan Guttmacher Institute. Medicaid accounted for 38 percent of all public funds spent on contraceptive services, Title X provided 22 percent, and two federal block-grant programs--Social Services and Maternal and Child Health--together were responsible for 12 percent of public expenditures. State governments accounted for the remaining 28 percent of public funding. Although public expenditures for contraceptive services have risen by $154 million over the past decade, when inflation is taken into account, expenditures have actually fallen by one-third. Since 1980, the proportion of public contraceptive expenditures contributed by Title X has been cut virtually in half, while the proportion contributed by state governments has nearly doubled. When inflation is taken into account, Title X expenditures for contraceptive services have fallen by almost two-thirds since 1980. The federal and state governments together spent $95 million to subsidize sterilization services in 1990, and $65 million to provide abortion services. The federal government was the major source of funding for sterilization services but provided less than one percent of the cost of abortion services. Because of changes over time in survey methodology and the difficulties some states had in separating out expenditures by type of care, these data are approximations.

Abortion, Legal

Health USA. A national health program for the United States.

The Health USA Act of 1991 addresses two fundamental health services financing problems: the more than 30 million uninsured persons and the rising costs for health care and for health insurance. Health USA would provide coverage of the entire resident population for comprehensive medical and preventive health and long-term care services through a universal tax-funded financing system. The federal government would contribute an average of 87% of program costs to each state, which would establish, under federal guidelines, a state health program. Each individual or family may enroll in any health plan approved by the state program, including many private plans, or a plan run by the state program. Through the approved plan of their choice, enrollees would receive covered services and obtain their care from participating physicians and other professional practitioners, hospitals, and other facilities. The state program would pay approved plans a capitation payment for every person enrolled. The plans would pay professional providers fees, as part of an all-payer system of fee schedules and expenditure targets, or capitation payments or salary. Hospitals would be financed through global budgets negotiated by the state program with each hospital. The plan run by the state program would pay the health care costs of any person who does not enroll in an approved plan, making the state plan the payer of last resort and eliminating uncompensated care and cost shifting by providers. Health USA would separate health care coverage from employment, ensuring uninterrupted coverage and eliminating employers' administrative role in providing coverage. Federal and state taxes would replace present methods of financing by private insurance premiums and large out-of-pocket expenditures. Building on the present system of health plans, Health USA would offer all persons a wide choice of competing plans in which to enroll and offer professional providers a wide choice of plans in which to practice. It would control costs by increasing financial accountability of providers and health plans, reducing present reliance on intrusive utilization review and on patient cost sharing. By controlling health care and administrative costs, Health USA would cover the entire population and, according to independent cost estimates, reduce national health expenditures by $11.5 billion in 1991.

Cost Control